Canadian Institute for International Peace and Security

Abstract This article provides a conceptual rationale for the potential complementarity of international mediation and third party consultation or problem-solving within the context of a contingency model. Social conflict is viewed as a dynamic process involving a mix of objective and subjective factors which changes over time, thus creating opportunities for different third party interventions. In the model, the various methods of intervention (conciliation, pure mediation, consultation, power mediation, arbitration and peacekeeping) are matched to one of four stages of conflict escalation where they are deemed to have the most influence on de-escalation. In addition, third party interventions are sequenced within the model to show how combining different methods might work toward the eventual resolution of the conflict. Within this context, mediation and consultation are seen as having two main points of complementarity. In the first instance, consultation which improves the relationship between the parties can serve a useful prenegotiation function. The second point occurs at a higher stage of escalation wherein power mediation, which is deemed useful to control hostility and gain settlement on some substantive issues, is followed by consultation to analyse and de-escalate the conflict to a less intense level. The potential of the contingency model is illustrated through reference to the Cyprus conflict and the numerous third party interventions that have attempted to address it. The analysis indicates that the model helps provide some possible reasons for the success and failure of different interventions over a thirty-five year period. The article concludes that the matching and sequencing of different third party interventions may be necessary for positive influence, especially in highly escalated and protracted conflict.

Abstract In December 2001, the Laeken European Council adopted a set of commonly agreed and defined indicators for social inclusion. These should play a central role in monitoring the performance of Member States in making progress towards the key EU objectives in this area set by the Nice European Council in 2000, and represent a major step forward in the development of EU social policy. This article reviews the scientific and political basis on which the indicators were selected, and the implications for the future development of policy‐making in Europe. It describes the key features of the indicators and some of the ways in which they can be developed. Finally, it investigates some important issues that need to be addressed when setting quantitative targets in the context of the social inclusion process.

In the last 20 years, the number of cross-border cooperation structures in Europe has exploded owing to political and financial support by the European Union aimed at encouraging cohesion and developing peripheral regions. These policies are part of processes of de-bordering and political rescaling that have profoundly affected cross-border areas by creating new institutional territories and political structures. The purpose of this paper is to study the institutional history of cross-border metropolitan governance in Europe through the comparison of two of the most advanced cross-border metropolitan regions: Lille and Luxembourg. This paper asks how these cross-border structures have developed and changed. What can their patterns of institutional evolution contribute to understanding governance in other cross-border regions? Are these new spaces evidence of political rescaling? This paper presents and redefines cross-border governance as a cyclical and a long-term process and also explores the challenges that these partnerships face in becoming functionally effective and autonomous policy actors. Ultimately, we find that there is no replicable ideal of cross-border governance and that even long-standing partnerships are in a period of exploration and reinvention. Establishing a competitive and coherent cross-border metropolitan region is ambitious and complex, and it necessitates the coordination of policies at multiple scales and across institutionally diverse territories. This project requires the modification and/or construction of new institutional and legal frameworks. This reorientation of political attention has resulted in a reconceptualization of political space but not the empowerment of new political actors, indicating that the process of rescaling may be a work in progress.

This article presents the conceptual foundations of the Education for Peace (EFP) integrative curriculum, reviews its contents, and briefly describes its impact on students, teachers, staff and parents/guardians in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The curriculum was developed in 2000, first employed in six pilot schools and then implemented in 112 primary and secondary schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as in a few schools in North America, thus far involving thousands of educators and tens of thousands of students. The curriculum is being published in nine volumes covering core aspects of peace education. This article reviews the curriculum’s comprehensive and inclusive pedagogical approaches and unique conceptual formulation, which defines conflict as the absence of unity and unity as the main prerequisite for peace. The curriculum integrates insights from a wide range of disciplines on peace and education, including education, peace studies, conflict resolution, political science, law, religion, sociology, psychology and history. Within this integrative approach, each volume addresses one or more aspects of peace and peace education, drawing from the latest developments in the field and from lessons learned in the implementation of the EFP program. The final part of the article includes several first‐hand statements attesting the efficacy of the EFP program.

This article provides a critical review of 'rebel-to-party transformation' scholarship. It shows how three flawed assumptions have underpinned much of the literature: (1) an ideal-typical differentiation between rebel group and political party as distinct by their use or rejection of violence; (2) the analysis of armed conflict as breakdown of 'normal' politics, and the study of 'rebel-to-party conversions' as a gradual, natural shift from violence back to politics; (3) a failure to integrate the study of rebel legacies into an examination of broader authoritarian legacies. These assumptions have clouded our understanding of politico-military organizations in conflict-torn societies, which combine social protest, armed rebellion, political violence, and party politics throughout their history. Drawing on the 'no peace, no war' and 'armed politics' paradigms, this article revisits these assumptions through the case of Burundi.

Abstract Responsible Research and Innovation (RRI) seeks to steer innovation toward important societal challenges and, by doing so, calls for entrepreneurial activities that create economic, social, and environmental value. Nonetheless, little is known about the way different types of organization can produce responsible products and services and the challenges they face when implementing new business models remain largely uncharted. By linking the RRI and the business model literatures, the aim of this article is to generate a better understanding of the challenges underlying responsible value creation. To do so, we approach the business model as a dynamic construct that crosses organizational boundaries and develop an empirically grounded multilevel model that links entrepreneurs' practices (micro‐level), organizational management (meso‐level), and innovation system dynamics (macro‐level). Our multiple case studies include for‐profit and not‐for‐profit Canadian and Brazilian organizations (n = 16) engaged in the production of responsible health innovations and explore the following research questions: “What business model challenges do these organizations face in their attempt to produce responsible innovations? How do these challenges affect the implementation of their business model and capacity to achieve responsible value creation?” Our findings focus on cross‐case commonalities that clarify how specific business model components are dynamically adapted in response to eight micro‐, meso‐, and macro‐level business model challenges, while the organizations' capacity to adequately align these components remains precarious. Our study provides innovation management scholars with an empirically grounded model that brings conceptual clarity to responsible value creation. This groundwork may foster cumulative knowledge growth on the way RRI‐oriented organizations can orchestrate their activities toward responsible value creation, which simultaneously requires individual entrepreneurial skills, organizational capacities, and the support of other innovation stakeholders.

Abstract In the Sahel, the borders still offer suitably fertile ground for informal commerce to bloom. In that context, this article postulates that contemporary cross‐border economic activity illustrates one of the foundations of what some geographers called mobile space, i.e. that circulation is the most appropriate method of managing the uncertainty of Sahelian life. The case of the border markets of Gaya (Niger), Malanville (Benin) and Kamba (Nigeria) provides a concrete example. On this “triple point”, the study of trade networks suggests that border commerce makes some use of the colonial partition, to the extent that the establishment of boundaries represents not so much a divide as a condition of contemporary economic dynamism.

Abstract In December 2001, the Laeken European Council adopted a set of commonly agreed and defined indicators for social inclusion. These should play a central role in monitoring the performance of Member States in making progress towards the key EU objectives in this area set by the Nice European Council in 2000, and represent a major step forward in the development of EU social policy. This article reviews the scientific and political basis on which the indicators were selected, and the implications for the future development of policy‐making in Europe. It describes the key features of the indicators and some of the ways in which they can be developed. Finally, it investigates some important issues that need to be addressed when setting quantitative targets in the context of the social inclusion process.

Part 1 Strategic culture in theory and practice: the concept of strategic culture - Caveat Emptor American national style and strategic culture Soviet strategic culture US perceptions of Soviet threat Soviet perception of US threat United States strategic policy since 1945 Soviet strategic policy since 1945 the concept of strategic culture affirmed. Part 2 Comparative concepts: the US approach to deterrence US thinking about arms competition and arms control the arms race and arms control - Soviet views escallation/limited war - the US view Soviet views of escalation/limited war strategic stability/superiority the US view Soviet views on strategic stability/superiority crisis management, the US approach crisis management, the Soviet approach strategic defence - USA Soviet strategic and civil defence comparative concepts - commentary. Part 3 Processes: decision-making in defence - the US case decision-making in defence - the Soviet case the economic dimension of defence - the United States the economic dimension of Soviet security the US military-industrial complex Moscow's military-industrial complex management of the defence industry - the United States mangement of the defence industry - the Soviet Union the United States and NATO the impact of neighbours and allies, the Soviet case. Part 4 Use of force: American thinking in nucliar war Soviet thinking in nuclear war use of the military instrument short of war - the United States use of the military instrument short of war, the Soviet Union. Part 5 Contemporary issues: the changing American strategic environment the changing Soviet strategic environment the US navy in the nuclear age Soviet naval strategy new thinking - the Western debate on strategy and security new thinking in Soviet security policy contemporary issues - some Soviet comments management of contemporary issues - a Western commentary.

Les premières banlieues pavillonnaires nord‐américaines sont problématiques pour le vieillissement à domicile. Malgré la dépendance à l'automobile, les banlieusards âgés aspirent à y vieillir. Plutôt que de déménager, ils adaptent leur quotidien et leurs déplacements. L'accès à la mobilité est un enjeu majeur au maintien d'une expérience résidentielle positive, notamment pour les individus en perte d'autonomie. Or, parce qu’elle est étudiée avec le concept de déplacement, la mobilité des aînés demeure mal comprise en tant qu’expérience individuelle et collective. C’est dans cette optique que les pratiques et les significations de la mobilité quotidienne de 87 banlieusards âgés de 55 à 82 ans de l'agglomération de Québec au Canada sont ici étudiées. En croisant des méthodes quantitative et qualitative ainsi que des techniques d'analyses spatiales, l'article développe une typologie de mobilité pour explorer les stratégies d'adaptation des aînés à leur environnement socio‐spatial. Les résultats montrent que, sans véritablement entrer dans un processus de décision, les banlieusards choisissent implicitement de vieillir en banlieue en adaptant de manière continue leurs modes de vie. La conservation de l'indépendance et l'attachement au «mode de vie banlieusard» sont à la source des aspirations résidentielles. Cette mobilité quotidienne en transformation risque aussi d'influencer les trajectoires résidentielles, alimentant les réflexions sur la requalification de ces milieux vieillissants .

The article studies how power-sharing institutions can foster the depoliticization of ethnicity after ethnic conflicts. Building on a constructivist and neo-institutionalist theoretical framework, it argues that the depoliticization of ethnicity can be fostered by power-sharing systems combining: (1) guarantees for the ethnic representativeness of political institutions and the security of all ethnic categories, and (2) institutional mechanisms that incentivize the reorientation of political alliances on a multi-ethnic basis. The case of Burundi provides a plausibility probe for the argument. The article suggests the existence of an ‘associational’ model of power-sharing, where ethnic conflict is transformed by the depoliticization of ethnicity.

Training other countries' armed forces is a go-to foreign policy tool for the United States and other states. A growing literature explores the effects of military training, but researchers lack detailed data on training activities. To assess the origins and consequences of military training, as well as changing patterns over time, this project provides a new, global dataset of US foreign military training. This article describes the scope of the data along with the variables collected, coding procedures, and spatial and temporal patterns. We demonstrate the added value of the data in their much greater coverage of training activities, showing differences from both existing datasets and aggregate foreign military aid data. Reanalyzing prior research findings linking US foreign military training to the risk of coups d'état in recipient states, we find that this effect is limited to a single US program representing a small fraction of overall US training activities. The data show comprehensively how the United States attempts to influence partner military forces in a wide variety of ways and suggest new avenues of research.

Based on specific characteristics of mobility, the cross-border commuter status still has some ambiguities, whether in legal, geographic, economic or more generally in social or cultural terms. This paper aims at providing theoretical advancement to this specific cross-border mobility, especially through the transfer of a theoretical model using a cross-scale analysis based on two complementary concepts. The first corresponds to ‘border confirming’ and is measured at the macro level, including the economic differentials on both sides of the border. The second concept is called ‘border transcending’ and focuses on the individual level. It is based on the assessment of the psychosocial barriers that may fade as the daily practices of the border rise. This exploratory approach is tested within the European context of Benelux. The results, although they cannot be generalised due to a lack of comparable data, offer research perspectives. So far, the existence of a cross-border catchment area, tested on the Belgian cross-border commuters working in Luxembourg, is a reality for many.

The paper tests whether the well-being cost of own unemployment is higher in individualistic countries and among persons with more individualistic orientations. I consider two dimensions of individualism: family support and self-reliance. I adopt a multilevel regression methodology on data of the European Values Study (2008) for 42 European countries. The results confirm that in Europe individualism correlates with higher well-being cost of own unemployment. Specifically, the relationship between unemployment and well-being is moderated by the family support norm. Its effect size is substantial, similar to the effect of country unemployment rate. This paper is the first one to establish in a comparative context that the well-being cost of own unemployment is higher in individualistic countries. It is also the first one to investigate the mechanisms behind this regularity. In contrast to the theoretical predictions, the importance of personal orientations is much weaker than the one of normative factors. Consistently with previous literature, the results suggest that the support among family members depends more on social norms than on individual values.

The number of immigrants in Luxembourg is approaching the number of native-born population. This demographic change raises questions concerning social inclusion, social cohesion, and intergroup conflicts. The present paper contributes to this discussion by analyzing attitudes toward immigrants and their determinants. Controlling for key individual characteristics, we examine how the intensity of core contacts between nationals and inhabitants with migratory background affects attitudes toward immigrants among three groups of Luxembourg residents: natives, first-generation immigrants, and second-generation immigrants. The results indicate that attitudes toward immigrants depend significantly on the origins of the residents of Luxembourg. Natives adopt the most negative stance toward immigrants; they are followed by second-generation and first-generation immigrants. Attitudes of second-generation immigrants are closer to those of the native population than to those of first-generation immigrants. Core conta...

Abstract This paper explores the theory of “communities of practice” and how the ideas contained in it could be applied to museums, by demonstrating how a key stakeholder group, Indigenous people, have been involved with and engaged in the work of the Australian Museum, Sydney, over the past 30 years. It is suggested that the processes museums have developed in building relationships with Indigenous people, particularly at the practitioner level, could form a template for how museums make themselves relevant to broader communities through active engagement with multiple communities of practice.

This article examines the state of and perspectives on democracy in the Republic of Moldova. The fall of its communist authoritarian regime in 2009 – sometimes compared to a colour revolution – went against the trend toward heavy authoritarianism now visible in the Commonwealth of Independent States. However, the regime change in Moldova does not necessarily imply a process of genuine democratic consolidation. This article argues that the future course of the Moldovan polity will be decided by structural domestic and geopolitical factors different from those that produced the regime change. Most of these structural factors do not favour democratization. Moldova's only chance to secure a genuinely democratic trajectory may therefore be dependent on its relationship with the European Union (EU). The article argues that nothing short of a process of accession to the EU can modify factors that are likely to prevent democratic consolidation. In its absence, the article contends that Moldova will either develop a Ukrainian-style hybrid regime or return to its authoritarian past.

The strong differentials on both sides of the Belgian-Luxembourger border, both in terms of salaries and housing prices, have stimulated for more than two decades the cross-border links between the two countries. Thus, whereas in 2008 nearly 40,000 residents of Belgium crossed the border each day to work in the Grand Duchy, between 2001 and 2007, more than 2,600 residents of Luxembourg went to live in Belgium, though they remained employed in Luxembourg. These cross-border movements, whether involving daily activities, such as journeys to work, or life cycle, such as moving home, are an indication of the influence of the border on spatial and social interactions.

OBJECTIVES: To evaluate postdischarge health resource use in pediatric survivors of septic shock and determine patient and hospitalization factors associated with health resource use. DESIGN: Secondary analyses of a multicenter prospective observational cohort study. SETTING: Twelve academic PICUs. PATIENTS: Children greater than or equal to 1 month and less than 18 years old hospitalized for community-acquired septic shock who survived to 1 year. INTERVENTIONS: None. MEASUREMENTS AND MAIN RESULTS: For 308/338 patients (91%) with baseline and greater than or equal to one postdischarge survey, we evaluated readmission, emergency department (ED) visits, new medication class, and new device class use during the year after sepsis. Using negative binomial regression with bidirectional stepwise selection, we identified factors associated with each outcome. Median age was 7 years (interquartile range, 2-13), 157 (51%) had a chronic condition, and nearly all patients had insurance (private [n = 135; 44%] or government [n = 157; 51%]). During the year after sepsis, 128 patients (42%) were readmitted, 145 (47%) had an ED visit, 156 (51%) started a new medication class, and 102 (33%) instituted a new device class. Having a complex chronic condition was independently associated with readmission and ED visit. Documented infection and higher sum of Pediatric Logistic Organ Dysfunction--2 hematologic score were associated with readmission, whereas younger age and having a noncomplex chronic condition were associated with ED visit. Factors associated with new medication class use were private insurance, neurologic insult, and longer PICU stays. Factors associated with new device class use were preadmission chemotherapy or radiotherapy, presepsis Functional Status Scale score, and ventilation duration greater than or equal to 10 days. Of patients who had a new medication or device class, most had a readmission (56% and 61%) or ED visit (62% and 67%). CONCLUSIONS: Children with septic shock represent a high-risk cohort with high-resource needs after discharge. Interventions and targeted outcomes to mitigate postdischarge resource use may differ based on patients' preexisting conditions.

Offloading is one major type of collaborations between mobile devices and clouds to achieve less execution time and less energy consumption. Offloading decisions for mobile cloud collaboration involve many decision factors. One of important decision factors is the network unavailability that has not