Centre d'études et de recherches internationales de Sciences Po

The State in Africa is one of the important and compelling texts of comparative politics and historical sociology of the last twenty years. Bayart rejects the assumption of African 'otherness' based on stereotyped images of famine, corruption and civil war. Instead he invites the reader to see that African politics is like politics anywhere else in the world, not an exotic aberration.\nAfricans themselves speak of a 'politics of the belly' - an expression that refers not only to the necessities of survival but also to a complex array of cultural representations, notably those of the 'invisible' world of sorcery. The 'politics of the belly' attests to a distinctively African trajectory of power that we need to understand as part of a long-term historical development.\nWhile acknowledging the insights of Western social scientists from Weber to Foucault, Bayart never loses sight of the realities of African politics and social life and he is careful to allow African voices - from the 'small boy' in the street to the 'big men' in the presidential palaces - to speak for themselves.\nThis new edition of Bayart's classic book includes a new introduction on Africa in the world today.\nThis book has established itself as an indispensable text on the state and politics in Africa. It also provides a nuanced reading of what we have come to call 'development' and opens the way for a more general reflection on the invention of politics in African and Asian societies.

Journal Article Africa in the world: a history of extraversion Get access J-F Bayart J-F Bayart Centre d'tudes et de recherches internationales, Paris, France Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar African Affairs, Volume 99, Issue 395, April 2000, Pages 217–267, https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/99.395.217 Published: 01 April 2000

The values of 8,841 managers and organization employees from 43 countries were surveyed. The range of nations included paralleled many of those surveyed by Hofstede (1980) but added also substantial samples from ex-communist nations. Questionnaire items focused primarily on measures of universalism-particularism, achievement-ascription, and individualism-collectivism. Multidimensional scaling of country means revealed three interpretable dimensions. The relation of these dimensions to the results of earlier large-scale surveys and to a variety of demographic indexes is explored. It is found that there are continuing substantial differences in modal cultural values of organization employees and that these are largely consistent with differences reported by others. The present results suggest that the dimensions defined by Hofstede as individualism-collectivism and power distance may be better defined as representing varying orientations toward continuity of group membership (loyal involvement/ utilitarian involvement) and varying orientations toward the obligations of social relationship (conservatism/egalitarian commitment).

This book examines the growth of fraud and smuggling in African states, the plundering of natural resources, the privatization of state institutions, the development of an economy of plunder and the growth of private armies. It suggests that the state itself is becoming a vehicle for organized criminal activity. The authors propose criteria for gauging the criminalization of African states and present a novel prognosis: they distinguish between the corruption of previous decades and the criminalization of some African states now taking place. Major operators are now able to connect with global criminal networks. Also, the notion of social capital has led to current attitudes towards the use of public office for personal enrichment, or even systematic illegality. Looking at South Africa, the authors examine the decades-long tradition of association between crime and politics in this area. South Africa is now the centre of important international patterns of crime, notably in the drug trade. It has Africa's largest formal economy and the continent's largest criminal economy. Considering the economic origins of official implication in crime, the authors conclude that new forms of corruption have been unintentionally helped by liberal economic reforms.

Though widely used by academics and policymakers in the context of the “War on Terror”, the concept of radicalisation lacks clarity. As this article will show, radicalization is not a myth, but its meaning is ambiguous, and the major controversies and debates that have sprung from it are linked to the same, inherent ambiguity. The principal conceptual fault line is between notions of radicalization that emphasize extremist beliefs (“cognitive radicalization”) and those that focus on extremist behavior (“behavioral radicalization”). This ambiguity explains the differences between definitions of radicalization; it has driven the scholarly debate, which has revolved around the relationship between cognition and behavior; and it provides the backdrop for strikingly different policy approaches – loosely labeled “European” and “Anglo-Saxon” which the article delineates and discusses in depth. Rather than denying its validity, the article calls on scholars and policymakers to work harder to understand and embrace a concept which – though ambiguous – is likely to dominate research and policy agendas for years to come.

Ethnopharmacological knowledge is common and import among tribal populations but much of the information is empirical at best lacking scientific validation. Despite widespread use of plant resources in traditional medicines, bioassay analysis of very few plant species have been conducted to investigate their medicinal properties, and to ascertain safety and efficacy of traditional remedies. The present study analyses indigenous uses of medicinal plants of far-west Nepal and compares with earlier ayurveda studies, phytochemical assessments and pharmacological actions. A field study was carried out in Baitadi and Darchula districts of far-west Nepal. Group discussions, informal meetings, questionnaire surveys and field observations were employed for primary data collection. Voucher specimens were collected with field notes and codes and deposited at Tribhuvan University Central Herbarium (TUCH), Kathmandu. Only 50% of species surveyed shared common uses with ayurvedic medicine. This implies that these herbal remedies are part of an independent health care system in the Nepal Himalaya, which is indigenous and influenced by ayurveda. The folk uses of some of the species were contradicting to those of ayurveda and phytochemical bioassays. A detailed phytochemical study on those species would be an important line of research.

OBJECTIVE: To investigate the value of brain natriuretic peptide plasma levels as a marker of systolic myocardial dysfunction during severe sepsis and septic shock. DESIGN: Prospective observational study. SETTING: Intensive care unit. PATIENTS: A total of 34 consecutive patients with severe sepsis (nine patients) or septic shock (25 patients) without previous cardiac, respiratory, or chronic renal failure. INTERVENTIONS: None. MEASUREMENTS AND MAIN RESULTS: Myocardial systolic performance was assessed by fractional area contraction (FAC) using echocardiography performed on days 2 (FACD2) and 8. Plasma levels of brain natriuretic peptide were measured at days 1-4 and 8 after the beginning of severe sepsis. Among 34 patients (Simplified Acute Physiology Score II, 43 +/- 2.5), 15 (44%) presented with initial myocardial dysfunction (FACD2 < 50%). Lungs were the origin of sepsis in 65% of patients. The 28-day mortality was 29%. Comparisons were performed between patients with (FACD2 < 50%) and without (FACD2 > or = 50%) myocardial dysfunction. Plasma levels of brain natriuretic peptide were significantly higher in patients with FACD2 < 50% than in those with FACD2 > or = 50% (p <.05) from day 2 to day 4. Brain natriuretic peptide levels were also significantly higher on days 2 and 3 in patients who died during their intensive care unit stay (p <.05). CONCLUSIONS: Systolic myocardial dysfunction is present in 44% of patient with severe sepsis or septic shock. In this setting, brain natriuretic peptide seems useful to detect myocardial dysfunction, and high plasma levels appear to be associated with poor outcome of sepsis, but further studies are needed.

The article examines the politics and patterns of public-private partnerships for the environment in the multilateral system. It argues that two kinds of dynamics have contributed to the hybridization of environmental authority at the global level. On one hand, the fragmentation of environmental regimes and the parallel growth of non-state actors have resulted in structural pressures and opportunities for public-private collaboration. More significantly, however, international organizations have responded to the pluralization of global environmental politics selectively and acted as entrepreneurs of collaborative governance. The analysis uses a principal-agent perspective of international organizations to specify the conditions for organizational entrepreneurship of public-private partnerships. The theoretical propositions inform the comparative analysis of three “meta” partnership programs in the multilateral system: the Small Grants Program, the Prototype Carbon Fund, and the environmental portfolio of the United Nations Fund for International Partnerships. The study demonstrates that public-private partnerships represent neither a radical “powershift” from established institutions, nor are partnerships a marginal governance fad. The three partnership programs examined here emerged out of the mandates and expertise of their lead organizations and partners, but established and diffused new niches of environmental governance, particularly around community-based biodiversity management and climate-change related technology diffusion.

This article is a revised version of the 2006 Martin Wight Memorial Lecture and examines the placeof regional states-systems or regional international societies within understandings of contemporary international society as whole. It addresses the relationship between the one world and the many worlds-on one side, the one world of globalizing capitalism, of global security dynamics, of a global political system that, for many, revolves a single hegemonic power, of global institutions and global governance, and of the drive to develop and embed a global cosmopolitan ethic; and, on the other side, the extent to which regions and the regional level of practice and of analysis havebecome more firmly established as important elements of the architecture of world politics; and the extent to which a multiregional system of international relations may be emerging. The first section considers explanations of the place of regionalism in contemporary international society and the various ways in which the one world aff ects the many. The second section deals with how regionalism might best be studied. The final section analyses four ways in which regionalism may contribute to international order and global governance.

The failure of the worlds’ governments to agree on a binding global forest convention at the 1992 Rio Earth Summit led many leading environmental groups to advance eco‐labelling ‘forest certification’ programmes that, they hoped, would achieve greater success in implementing sustainable forest management. Eschewing traditional State‐centered authority, supporters of this ‘non‐State market driven’ (NSMD) approach turn to customers of wood products to create compliance mechanisms, either through positive incentives such as market access or price premiums, or negative incentives such as ‘direct targeting’ or ‘boycott’ campaigns. Understanding how such systems might ‘ratchet up’ global forestry standards, we argue, requires that existing scholarship place greater attention on the role of public policies in helping to facilitate the impacts of private solutions. Specifically, we argue that scholars and practitioners need to assess strategic decisions not only on the basis of their appropriateness at present, but what they might do to trigger a global ‘race to the top’ at a later time.

Translated by Barbara Harshav

Abstract This article offers a critical analysis of aid programmes aimed at supporting local civil societies in post-conflict peacebuilding (PCPB). Such programmes are often seen to carry the best hopes for a genuine democratic counterweight to existing power-brokers and to hold the key to the building of a ‘new’ society. But, in their interventions, outsiders tend to forget the large diversity of local civil societies, creating many counter-effects in the way international programmes purport to support or empower local people. The resulting consequences affect the ways in which international and local actors interact in post-conflict contexts and, accordingly, the ways in which actual ‘civil society’ may contribute to PCPB. A close analysis of these elements reveals larger political ambiguities present in PCPB strategies and actions. The article ends with a series of recommendations to support a better understanding and acknowledgment of local processes and resources in any aid programme, as well as greater accountability on the part of outsiders.

In the post–Cold War period, scholars have considered the Asia Pacific to be ripe for military competition and conflict. Developments over the past decade have deepened these expectations. Across the region, rising military spending and efforts of various states to bolster their military capabilities appear to have created an increasingly volatile climate, along with potentially vicious cycles of mutual arming and rearming. In this context, claims that China's rapid economic growth and surging military spending are fomenting destabilizing arms races and security dilemmas are widespread. Such claims make for catchy headlines, yet they are rarely subject to rigorous empirical tests. Whether patterns of military competition in the Asia Pacific are in fact attributable to a security dilemma–based logic has important implications for international relations theory and foreign policy. The answer has direct consequences for how leaders can maximize the likelihood that peace and stability will prevail in this economically and strategically vital region. A systematic empirical test derived from influential theoretical scholarship on the security dilemma concept assesses the drivers of bilateral and multilateral frictions and military competition under way in the Asia Pacific. Security dilemma–driven competition appears to be an important contributor, yet the outcome is not structurally determined. Although this military competition could grow significantly in the near future, there are a number of available measures that could help to ameliorate or manage some of its worst aspects.

A qualitative shift is underway in the nature of labor protest in China. Contrary to prior literature that characterized strikes as being largely defensive in nature, the authors suggest that since 2008, Chinese workers have been striking offensively for more money, better working conditions, and more respect from employers. They explain these developments using a “political process” model that suggests economic and political opportunities are sending “cognitive cues” to workers that they have increased leverage, leading them to be more assertive in their demands. Such cues include a growing labor shortage, new labor laws, and new media openness. Their argument is supported by a unique data set of strikes that the authors collected, two case studies of strikes in aerospace factories, and interviews with a variety of employment relations stakeholders.

Hydralazine (1-hydrazinophthalazine) (Fig. 1) has been used in the therapy of hypertension for 25 years. In combination with other drugs it is very useful for treating chronically hypertensive patients. The role of hydralazine in antihypertensive therapy has expanded during recent years since it was demonstrated that the drug is particularly effective when combined with propranolol or other beta-adrenergic antagonists.1 2 3 4 5 6 Closely related phthalazine derivatives, particularly 1,4-dihydrazinophthalazine, are employed outside the United States, but they offer no apparent advantage over hydralazine.Mechanism of ActionHydralazine exerts its hypotensive action by reducing vascular resistance through direct relaxation of arteriolar smooth muscle.7 8 9 10 11 The cellular . . .

Qu'est-ce que la domination ? Comment s'exerce-t-elle ? Par quels mécanismes se reproduit-elle ? Quels sont les critères et les pratiques qui permettent aux pouvoirs de se légitimer ? De quelles manières y participons-nous ?... En relisant Marx, Weber, Gramsci et, plus près de nous, Bourdieu ou Foucault, Béatrice Hibou s'affronte à son tour à l'une des questions centrales de la théorie politique et sociale, celle de l'exercice de la domination d'État. Dans cet ouvrage, l'auteure renouvelle cette problématique avec une approche alliant comparatisme, analyse du quotidien et économie politique. Elle met en évidence les dispositions, les compréhensions et les pratiques qui rendent la domination concevable, supportable, voire acceptable ou rassurante. Celle-ci apparaît d'autant plus insidieuse et indolore qu'elle renvoie souvent à la question du désir d'État. Pour mener à bien cette démonstration, Béatrice Hibou s'appuie sur une analyse de situations autoritaires ou totalitaires - en particulier sur la reprise des cas paradigmatiques du fascisme, du national-socialisme et du socialisme soviétique - qui nous permet aussi de saisir ce qu'est la domination dans le cadre démocratique contemporain. Ce faisant, elle nous fournit les instruments nécessaires à l'élaboration d'une critique renouvelée des dérives du politique dans la cité contemporaine.

Wild animals often destroy standing crops and prey on livestock, causing economic losses to farmers. Crop and wildlife damage are becoming serious for many Indian protected areas, and this study aimed to characterize the problem in villages in and around the Sariska Tiger Reserve (STR), Rajasthan, India. Data were collected using a semi-structured questionnaire in 37 villages followed by a semi-structured questionnaire administered to 180 households, quadrat sampling and focus group discussions. Crop and livestock depredation evidently affected nearly half of the households in villages adjacent to the STR, but damage varied considerably amongst villages and with distance from the Reserve border. Wild animal distribution and protection measures which people adopted also influenced the damage. Nilgai ( Boselaphus tragocamelus( ) and wild boar (( Sus scrofa( ) were reported to be responsible for at least half of the total damage to the major crops caused by wild animals. Tigers and leopards were the main livestock predators; the former preyed mostly on larger livestock and the latter on smaller animals such as goats and sheep. More than two-thirds of the villagers spent considerable time and money guarding crops and protecting livestock. Guarding was the most popular means followed by physical fences around fields. In spite of damage to crops and livestock, the local people still had a positive attitude towards the STR, because of tangible benefits derived from the Reserve in terms of fodder and fuelwood, and cultural/religious attitudes towards wild animals. Settlement of rights to collect fuelwood and fodder within the Reserve appears to be one acceptable measure to compensate for losses besides an immediate review of hunting policy. Suggestions given by local people to minimize losses have implications for the long term sustainability of the STR as a protected area.

This article reviews the literature on Europeanization beyond the group of EU member, "quasi-member" and applicant states. It uses the analysis of Europeanization in applicant states as a theoretical starting point to ask if, how and under which conditions we can expect domestic effects of European integration beyond Europe. Focusing on Europeanization effects in the areas of regionalism, democracy and human rights, and the literature on the European Neighborhood Policy in particular, the article collects findings on the strategies and instruments as well as the impact and effectiveness of the EU. The general conclusion to be drawn from the theoretical and empirical literature reviewed is one of low consistency and impact.

Abstract This article studies the consequences of inter-and intrastate wars for economic growth in a large cross-section of countries during the period 1960–89. It establishes that cross-country differences in economic growth are systematically related to the severity and duration of war. The combined prewar, contemporaneous, and postwar association between growth and war is negative; that is, economic performance has been lower in countries that fought a severe and/or prolonged war. However, the causal effect of war on postwar economic performance is positive. In particular, the longer or more severe the war, the higher the subsequent long-term rate of economic growth. A possible interpretation of these findings is that war is more likely to occur in poorly performing countries and/or to have a negative direct – contemporaneous – effect on growth. But in the longer term, war creates growth-enhancing possibilities. Interestingly, these effects arise mostly from civil wars and are quantitatively quite substantial. For instance, an increase in war duration by 10% leads to an increase of 2.1% in the average growth rate. The findings of this article are thus consistent with the predictions of the theories of both Organski &amp; Kugler and Olson.

Shell developed a number of new methodologies to make scenario planning more meaningful to line managers. It also took steps to integrate the learning that takes place at the SBU level into the Group Planning System.