Centre de recherche sur les Inégalités Sociales

= 24 studies), when field experiments became more common and improved methodologically. Since 1989, whites receive on average 36% more callbacks than African Americans, and 24% more callbacks than Latinos. We observe no change in the level of hiring discrimination against African Americans over the past 25 years, although we find modest evidence of a decline in discrimination against Latinos. Accounting for applicant education, applicant gender, study method, occupational groups, and local labor market conditions does little to alter this result. Contrary to claims of declining discrimination in American society, our estimates suggest that levels of discrimination remain largely unchanged, at least at the point of hire.

This article discusses research into the patterns of work scheduling in France. Research indicating that wealth varies inversely with leisure time is noted. This article uses workweek grid data from the 1999 French time-use survey to examine the relationship between workers' economic status and their hours of labor. The authors sorted the data to incorporate variations in the workweeks of employees engaged in shift work, staggered scheduling, and other nonstandard work arrangements. The data are analyzed based on whether workers participate in a high value added service position, a part of the Fordist economy, or a low value added service position. The authors believe that this data will match comparable studies of other developed countries.

This article addresses the question of the effects of cost setting on the kind of temporal patterns optimal matching (OM) can uncover when applied to social science data. It is argued that the balance between indel (insertion and deletion) and substitution costs determines what kind of socio-temporal pattern can be brought to light. Insertion and deletion operations favor identically coded states irrespective of their locations whereas substitutions focus on contemporaneous similarities. The lower the ratio of substitution to indel costs, the closer OM is to the Hamming distance where only substitutions are used. The higher this ratio, the closer OM is to the Levenshtein II distance, which amounts to finding the longest common subsequence. When the timing of sequences is crucial, substitutions should be favored over indels and their costs should be carefully fixed. Ideally, substitution costs should vary with time to better take into account the timing of the sequences studied. As indels warp time, hence the timing of sequences, it is suggested to use only substitution operations with time-dependent costs inversely proportional to transition frequencies whenever the timing of sequences is central. This OM variant, coined dynamic Hamming matching, is applied to the question of the scheduling of paid work where timing is critical (1985 and 1999 French time use surveys, N = 7,908) along with three classical OM variants (Hamming and Levenshtein I and II). As expected, the two Hamming dissimilarity measures fare better to identify patterns of workday schedules, as measured by entropy, than the two Levenshtein ones.

Comparing levels of discrimination across countries can provide a window into large-scale social and political factors often described as the root of discrimination. Because of difficulties in measurement, however, little is established about variation in hiring discrimination across countries. We address this gap through a formal meta-analysis of 97 field experiments of discrimination incorporating more than 200,000 job applications in nine countries in Europe and North America. We find significant discrimination against nonwhite natives in all countries in our analysis; discrimination against white immigrants is present but low. However, discrimination rates vary strongly by country: In high-discrimination countries, white natives receive nearly twice the callbacks of nonwhites; in low-discrimination countries, white natives receive about 25 percent more. France has the highest discrimination rates, followed by Sweden. We find smaller differences among Great Britain, Canada, Belgium, the Netherlands, Norway, the United States, and Germany. These findings challenge several conventional macro-level theories of discrimination.

« Cet ouvrage est né d’une insatisfaction profonde concernant les discours en vigueur sur la scolarisation en banlieue. » Au terme de sept années d’enquêtes sur le terrain, constatant l’inégalité des chances entre établissements de banlieue défavorisés et établissements « ordinaires », Agnès van Zanten analyse avec finesse les processus multiples qui participent à la construction d’une ségrégation et d’un ordre scolaires que les acteurs locaux s’avèrent impuissants à transformer et dont ils finissent par s’accommoder. À travers la notion d’« école de la périphérie », ce livre met en lumière, de façon originale, le rôle des dynamiques locales dans la reproduction et la transformation des systèmes scolaires. Il intéressera enseignants et parents, élus et responsables éducatifs, étudiants et chercheurs en sciences sociales et en sciences de l’éducation.

In plural societies, social welfare can be a terrain of political contestation, particularly when public welfare functions are underdeveloped and ethnic or religious groups provide basic social services. It is well established that such organizations favor in-group members, but under what conditions do they serve out-group communities? To address this question, the authors compare the welfare programs of the predominantly Sunni Muslim Future Movement and the Shiite Muslim Hezbollah in Lebanon. Although they operate under the same institutional rules and economic contexts and boast the largest welfare programs in their respective communities, the Future Movement aims to serve a broader array of beneficiaries, including non-Sunnis, whereas Hezbollah focuses more exclusively on Shiite communities. Based on analyses of an original data set of the spatial locations of welfare agencies, qualitative data from interviews with providers and beneficiaries, and case studies of areas where the two parties established and did not establish welfare agencies, the authors argue that distinct political mobilization strategies—whether electoral or nonelectoral—explain different patterns of service delivery across the two organizations.

'Free movement has become a defining feature of European society. This important study answers the question are these free movers?. Using both quantitative and qualitative research evidence, it brings new perspectives to the sociology of European migration and integration, broadening the analysis from traditional labour migrants to various new kinds of spatial and social mobility in the continent.' - Russell King, University of Sussex and Sussex Centre for Migration Research, UK Pioneers of European Integration offers the first systematic analysis of the small but symbolically potent number of Europeans who have chosen to live and work as foreigners in another member state of the EU. The free movement of EU citizens is the most visible sociological consequence of the remarkable process of European integration that has transformed the continent since the Second World War. Based on an original survey of 5000 people moving to and from the EU's five largest countries, the book documents the demographic profile, migration choices, cultural adaptation, social mobility, political participation and media use of these pioneers of a transnational Europe, as well as opening a window to the new waves of intra-EU East-West migrations.

Using couples' time‐diary data from two French time‐use surveys (1986, 1999), this article explores the extent to which off‐scheduling within dual‐earner couples is an unequal and negative externality for family time. An empirical typology of family workdays is built using a variant of optimal matching, and three kinds of family time are taken into account: conjugal time, father‐ and mother‐child time, and parents‐child time. The results indicate that off‐scheduling is an unintentional by‐product of employers’ economic interests and that, since it reduces conjugal and parents‐child time but fails to foster temporal complementarity between parents, it is a negative factor for family solidarity.

This paper analyses a specific kind of choice, choice of the local school, by a specific middle class\ngroup, characterized by its high cultural capital, its ‘caring’ perspective and liberal political\norientation, in two cosmopolitan, ‘mixed’ settings, London and Paris, with a focus on values and\nhow ethical dilemmas raised by confrontation with the social and ethnic mix in schools are solved.\nIt draws upon a small-scale comparative study of urban middle class parents conducted in 2004–\n2005 at the Institut d’Etudes Politiques in Paris in collaboration with the London Institute of\nEducation. Using the same open-ended schedule, 28 interviews were carried out in one London\nlocality and 38 in a similar locality in the Parisian periphery (plus 12 others in a nearby private\nschool). Its main purpose was to use a cross-Channel comparison to test and enrich a comprehensive\nmodel of school choice that tries to take into account the complex interaction between policies,\nstrategies, contexts, resources and values.

This article empirically traces trends in family policy in 23 high-income countries since the 1960s. A range of data on income supports for families with children, family-related leave and early childhood education and care are brought together and analysed. The results show that family policy has developed by layering, in terms of both content and time period. A ‘foundational phase’ is characterised by investment in cash and tax allowances for families and employment leave for mothers, while a ‘consolidation phase’ sees states adding to their family policy portfolio, especially through the diversification of family-related leave and augmentation of child-related care services, increasing their overall family policy expenditure and continuing to support families financially but with a preference to direct this through the tax system. There is no inexorable development path though, either within or across countries. A layering development pattern suggests that analysis of family policy over time needs to be oriented to examining both continuity and change and, as the conclusion makes clear, there are many fruitful lines of further research.

What do we imagine when we think about a united Europe? According to the Eurobarometer, which recurrently puts this question to a sample of citizens from all the countries of the Union, 'freedom to travel, study and work anywhere in the EU': this is the reply given, year after year, by the majority of the interviewees. It is not the Euro, nor democracy, nor peace among nations, but free movement which epitomizes the European Union in the minds of Europeans.\n\nEttore Recchi describes the free movement regime of the EU in terms of both its policies and the experiences of the people involved – that is, mobile European citizens. With a particular focus on their integration paths, political participation and identifications, this book draws on large cross-national surveys of this specific population carried out between 2004 and 2012, as well as in-depth interviews and aggregate statistical data from a plethora of sources.\n\nBased on an unprecedented wealth of empirical information, but also on a thorough examination of the historical and legal underpinnings of free movement rights in the EU, this is essential reading for scholars and practitioners of migration, EU studies, international relations and politics. But it offers food for thought to social and political theorists as well, helping to assess the extent to which this unique frontierless migration regime bolsters denationalization and spearheads a cosmopolitan order in the making.

Si la carte scolaire fait l’objet d’un débat si vif en France, c’est qu’elle cristallise des enjeux fondamentaux. Censée répartir les élèves en fonction de leur lieu de résidence, elle peine à remplir son objectif de mixité, et contribue parfois à renforcer la ségrégation. Ce débat est donc aussi celui de la possibilité de maintenir la mixité comme horizon pertinent des politiques urbaines et scolaires. À partir d’une étude de la banlieue ouest de Paris, l’auteur propose une analyse détaillée des contextes urbains et scolaires dans lesquels évoluent les ménages. Il en ressort une image plus complexe que celle des seules pratiques d’évitement des classes moyennes. L’offre et la carte scolaires concernent de façon profondément inégalitaire les différentes classes sociales, au profit des classes supérieures. La question n’est donc pas d’être pour ou contre la carte scolaire, mais d’éclairer les mécanismes en jeu. Qui a intérêt à la ségrégation urbaine et scolaire ? Qui sont les perdants et les gagnants de l’application de la carte scolaire ? Qui a intérêt à son abandon ? Ce livre plaide pour une réforme profonde de ce dispositif. Mais maintenir un objectif de mixité est aussi un choix politique au sens fort, engageant une vision de la société et de son devenir. L’auteur entend en préciser les enjeux et les effets sur la cohésion sociale.

L’article propose une analyse de l’évolution de la ségrégation ethno-raciale dans la métropole parisienne entre les trois derniers recensements. Les catégories utilisées sont celles des immigrés au sens strict, considérés par groupes d’origines nationales, auxquels on ajoute ensuite la part de la seconde génération que l’on peut repérer dans les recensements. L’analyse est conduite principalement à l’échelle des communes et quartiers parisiens. Les indices de dissimilarité et d’isolement et l’étude de la concentration par commune montrent que la ségrégation la plus forte est celle des immigrés d’origines maghrébine, subsaharienne et turque ; qu’elle est en croissance modérée ; qu’elle est nettement supérieure à la ségrégation socioéconomique ; mais aussi très inférieure à la ségrégation raciale dans les métropoles des États-Unis, et que la grande majorité des immigrés résident dans des quartiers où ils sont minoritaires, donc dans des situations de mixité résidentielle, et pas dans des ghettos.

Cette 5e édition, totalement refondue, d’un manuel devenu « la » référence sur le monde de l’école, des élèves et des enseignants, explore le domaine de manière systématique et objective, et sous des aspects divers : place de l’école dans la société (politiques scolaires, inégalités de carrière, enjeux de la réussite scolaire, évolution des analyses théoriques), mais aussi acteurs et pratiques (profession enseignante, programmes, pratiques éducatives des familles, métiers d’élève).L’ouvrage actualisé propose ainsi de nombreux éléments sur les effets des politiques éducatives, la construction et les effets de ségrégation scolaire, ou encore les changements introduits par le renouvellement des enseignants et des élèves eux-mêmes.Les auteurs rendent compte de la profusion et de la diversité des recherches conduites ces dernières années dans ce champ qui demeure l’un des plus riches de la sociologie, en prise directe avec l’actualité et les préoccupations des familles, des enseignants et des élèves. Ce manuel exhaustif intéressera les étudiants en sciences sociales, en sciences de l’éducation, les enseignants, les responsables des politiques éducatives et des associations de parents d’élèves.

This article is based on the Keynote Address to the European Conference on Educational Research (ECER), Crete, Greece, 21–25 September 2004. One of the most consistent results in sociology of education research has been the existence of inequalities in school results and educational trajectories related to social factors. Despite an important increase in number of years of schooling for all children in most European countries in the post-war period, research still shows important differences between social and ethnic groups and even a widening of the gap between the most advantaged and most disadvantaged in some countries. Factors shown by previous studies to account for these differences are still at work, but many of them are influential in new ways. In addition to this, new factors have to be taken into account. Using available sociological literature on European countries, while focusing specifically on France as an exemplary case, this article presents some of the new constraints on and opportunities for action by parents, teachers and schools that result from both economic, cultural and educational changes and recent policy orientations.

This article examines student accounts of credentials, talent and academic success, against a backdrop of the enduring liberal ideal of an education-based meritocracy. The article also examines Bourdieu's account of academic qualifications as the dominant source of institutionalised cultural capital, and concludes that it does not adequately account for comparative differences in the social structure of competition and ideological shifts in class (re)production in different national contexts. This analysis is based on an empirical investigation of elite students at Oxford University and Sciences Po in Paris. We investigated how they understand the competition for a livelihood and whether they see themselves as more 'talented' than students from non-elite universities. This investigation revealed important similarities and differences between British and French students that have significant sociological implications for the (re)production and legitimation of educational and labour market inequalities. © 2014 © 2014 The Author(s). Published by Taylor and Francis.

The category of gentrification has only recently began to be used for the study of French cities. The process through which working-class neighbourhoods became areas of upper-middle-class residence was earlier discussed as embourgeoisement, largely referred to as state intervention and seen as the effect of the permanent preference for central locations of higher categories. The detailed empirical examination of the Paris metropolis shows that such changes have indeed been occurring steadily over the last decades, but that the largest number of neighbourhoods experiencing that change of social profile are to be found in the first ring of banlieues and not in the central city. The analysis of the social profile of gentrifiers shows that it differs substantially between areas. Three main types of processes are identified: the first is the expansion of upper-class areas into adjacent working-class neighbourhoods, with an influx mainly of private-sector professionals, managers, and engineers; the second is upward social mobility of working-class areas, spatially and socially distinct from upper-class ones; and the third, which is found in a minority of cases only, resembles more the dominant model of gentrification, with a substantial contribution of professionals in public, scientific, media, and artistic occupations.

Cet article porte sur l’intégration des immigrés en France en tant que processus démographique, économique, social et politique. Les méthodes utilisées sont de type quantitatif et se fondent sur l’exploitation statistique de l’enquête MGIS (Mobilité géographique et insertion sociale, INSEE-INED, 1992). En partant d’une littérature qui met l’accent sur le caractère multidimensionnel et segmenté du processus d’intégration des immigrés, on a cherché à élaborer une typologie empirique de ce dernier permettant de tester l’existence de différents modèles. On montre alors que l’hypothèse classique de l’intégration qui suppose l’existence d’un processus de convergence uniforme n’est validée que pour le cas des Espagnols. D’autres modèles plus complexes et plus segmentés semblent caractériser les différentes communautés représentées dans l’enquête.

This article attempts to extend the classical monetary approach to poverty by the use of non-monetary indicators. Poverty will be looked at as a cumulative process of social dis advantage and a comparison made of the dif ferent forms this takes across Europe. This study is based on the results of a research pro ject commissioned by Eurostat to define and correlate several indicators in seven west European countries (Germany, Denmark, Spain, France, Great Britain, Italy and the Netherlands). There is a convergence in some respects, but also notable examples of diver gence from one country to another. With regard to convergent factors, some are unsur prising. Precariousness on the labour market, defined as lack of job security or short and long term unemployment, is correlated with low incomes and poor housing conditions. The likelihood of living as a single person, or of experiencing marital breakdown or divorce, is also much greater for people whose status on the labour market is insecure. Precari ousness and unemployment also lead to an in creased dependence on state welfare benefits, and an increased risk of health problems. The most obvious divergences are in those areas which reflect the strength of an individ ual's social connections. Precariousness is not correlated with weak family connections or the non-availability of a private support net work in all of the countries studied. In Spain and the Netherlands, those who are without employment do not have a poorer quality of relationships with their family than those who are working. In Italy, this quality is, indeed, stronger. In these countries, along with Denmark, the general situation is one of a high level of support for individuals from family and friends, and this is equally true of those people facing social problems. By contrast, in France, Germany and Great Britain, it appears that job insecurity and unemployment are as sociated with impoverished social relation ships.

Résumé Les politiques que l'on désigne comme participant de l'« ouverture sociale des grandes écoles » accordent divers avantages à de jeunes issus de groupes défavorisés afin de faciliter leur accès aux filières d'excellence de l'enseignement supérieur. Cet article s'intéresse plus particulièrement aux programmes « Conventions Éducation Prioritaire » de Sciences Po et « Pourquoi Pas Moi ? » de l'ESSEC. Dans le but de mieux cerner les visées et les effets globaux de ces dispositifs, le mode d'analyse adopté combine deux perspectives complémentaires. La première consiste à rapporter les phénomènes observés au problème public auquel ces politiques cherchent explicitement à répondre, celui de la diversification des établissements d'élite. La seconde, à les analyser en tant qu'innovations managériales susceptibles de transformer les instruments de la discrimination positive et les modes de gouvernance du système éducatif.