Institute for Minority Studies

Abstract This chapter explores the upward social mobility trajectories, and the corollary prices of them for those 45, first-in-family college educated Roma in Hungary who come from socially disadvantaged and marginalised family and community background. We argue that among the academically high-achieving participants of our study the most common upward mobility trajectory, contrary to the common belief of assimilation, is their distinctive minority mobility path which leads to their selective acculturation into the majority society. This distinctive incorporation into the mainstream is close to what the related academic scholarship calls the ‘minority culture of mobility’. The three main elements of this distinct mobility trajectory among the Roma are (1) The construction of a Roma middle class identity that takes belonging to the Roma community as a source of pride, in contrast of the widespread racial stereotypes in Hungary (and all over Europe) that are closely tied to the perception of Roma as a member of the underclass, (2) The creation of grass-roots ethnic (Roma) organizations and (3) The practice of giving back to their people of origin that relegate many Roma professionals to a particular segment of the labour market, in jobs to help communities in need. However, we argue that in the case of the Hungarian Roma, these elements of the minority culture of mobility did not serve the purpose of their economic mobility as the original concepts (Neckerman et al. Ethnic and Racial Studies 22(6):945–965, 1999) posits, but to mitigate the price of changing social class and to make sense of the hardship of their social ascension.

Prison systems are facing significant challenges from overcrowding and a ‘revolving door’ routine. Reducing recidivism would help alleviate both these problems and would also assist in breaking the cycle of career criminality. However, one of the primary causes of recidivism is a lack of employment opportunities for people who have spent time in prison, thereby causing them to return to crime. Given the dearth of entrepreneurship research on ex-prisoners, this paper examines a ‘Start Your Own Business’ programme delivered inside a prison. Based on interviews with the participants, the author examines whether such programmes offer a realistic opportunity for reducing recidivism.

Based on 165 in-depth, narrative life story interviews with first generation graduates, fieldwork with educational support initiatives and auto-ethnography, this article contributes to the literature on whether and how structural educational inequality can be compensated by talent support programs and whether and how these programs can mitigate the price of education-driven upward social mobility for those Roma and nonRoma Hungarians who come from socio-economically disadvantaged families. Upwardly mobile Roma who achieve social ascension through academic high achievement usually travel vast social distances that straddle class and ethnic context. Many of their mobility trajectories are accompanied by a set of challenges that are unique to college educated, racialized, underrepresented minorities. To overcome these challenges, and to compensate for the inequality of life chances that originate from their socially and economically disadvantaged family backgrounds and from an unequal and highly selective educational system, upwardly mobile minority students join educational support initiatives or organisations. This paper, drawing on the narratives of our research participants, argues that particular types of these initiatives or charitable foundations that deploy an ethnically targeted complex approach, can equip their beneficiaries with different types of capital. Amongst these, one of the most important is the Roma cultural capital. The newly gained capitals are necessary for the first-in-family Roma mentees to get through higher education and succeed in the labour market in the context of the specific challenges they face. These initiatives mitigate the price of social ascension the most. The paper uses a case study of Romaversitas to demonstrate its main findings.

This paper proposes the notion that words mirror ideas, perspectives and worldviews. Etymologies and meanings of general words for ‘islands’ in a number of languages in North and West Europe are then discussed. Here, islands are shown to be etymologically constituted by the interplay between land and water, and which of these two is emphasized varies. In the third section, a number of Swedish island words are surveyed, in an attempt to illuminate the principle of linguistic relativity. Finally, the implications of these findings for island studies are discussed.

ABSTRACT The purpose of this article is to describe the assessment and treatment of communication in male-to-female transsexual individuals, within the context of the World Health Organization's International Classification of Functioning Disability and Health (ICF) framework. Structural and functional impairments, activity limitations, and participation restrictions specific to male-to-female transsexual communication are discussed, as well as environmental and personal factors that facilitate or prevent communicative success. Further, assessment and treatment of communication in transsexual individuals is described within the ICF framework, and the merits and unique considerations of using the ICF with this population is described. KEYWORDS: Transsexualtransgendergender dysphoriaInternational Classification of Functioning Disability and Health (IFC)communication ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Thank you to Joanne Volden, PhD, and Johanna Darrah, PhD, at the University of Alberta for their helpful comments on previous versions of this manuscript.

Abstract The paper explores the attitudes of Hungarian civil society in the context of the war against Ukraine, the active agents of solidarity, and the general social atmosphere associated with welcoming displaced people. Based on a population survey from the summer of 2022, the paper draws an ambivalent picture. First, it highlights the exceptional momentum and mobilising power of civil solidarity both in terms of practical involvement and expressed attitudes. At the same time, the results also reveal the limits and vulnerabilities of civil solidarity—namely, its exposure to populist political discourses which cherish or condemn moral economies of assistance according to vested interests, as well as its embeddedness in a neoliberal reliance on citizens’ individual resources (disposable time and material means), and the salient inequalities in sharing the burdens of humanitarian support. All this reflects that the consensus and relative evenness of solidarity attitudes at the time of our survey were unevenly translated into practical help, burdening those already heavily charged with care responsibilities. With this finding, we underline the importance of exploring solidarity as a complex relationship of attitudes and practices; also, we highlight the need to include the perspectives of care in inquiries of the population’s attitude towards immigrant groups and categories. Our results are drawn from the application of multi-dimensional logistic regression models based on data from a statistical survey involving 1000 respondents representative of Hungary’s adult population.

Introduction for the special issue Refugees in Europe: Educational policies and practices as spaces of hospitality? of the European Education Research Journal

"Pushed to the edge. Inclusion and behaviour support in schools." Journal of Education Policy, 33(3), pp. 439–440

Abstract In managing ethno-cultural diversity, several countries in Central and Eastern Europe refer to the notion of nonterritorial/cultural autonomy in their legislation and policies, and in some of them, namely Croatia, Estonia, Hungary, Serbia, and Slovenia, registered minority voters are granted the right to create their own representational, consultative, or decision-making bodies by direct or indirect elections. While a growing body of literature has examined the functioning of these elected minority councils/self-governments at various levels, numerous features of their elections have not been addressed. Elections, commonly understood as formal group decision-making processes, may fulfill various functions both in theory and practice, and these are highly context-dependent. In this regard, little is known about the role played by minority elections in intra-community relations, and whether and how these elections can contribute to increasing legitimacy and accountability and strengthening the political weight and influence of the respective minority groups. This article seeks to address these issues. Written from a theoretical perspective, but based on electoral statistics and country experiences, it comparatively explores the main issues related to the special minority elections in the five countries of analysis and assesses whether they can be considered successful forms of diversity management.

The article presents the Greenlandic-Danish artist Pia Arke (1958-2007) and gives readings of various of her artworks, arguing that they attempt to negotiate a postcolonial condition. Arke was fascinated by the male European explorers and their fascination with the Arctic landscape, the Inuit and, not the least, the Inuit women. "Arctic Hysteria" is one of the main metaphors she used to describe this fascination - giving a whole new meaning to this concept invented by explorers and scientists to describe a special kind of pathology by which the inhabitants of the Arctic were classified and distinguished from other people. Where so many male intellectuals have responded to the European representations with resentment and anger, Arke chooses curiosity as her main approach. What did these men see? What made them see in this way? What did the women feel? How does it feel to take upon oneself this subject position of the cultural and sexual "Other"? Thus, instead of repeating the dichotomizing constructions, as is often the outcome of "Anti-Orientalist" or "Anti-Othering" studies, Arke re-lives and thereby out-lives and deconstructs the colonial representations, leaving the stage open for new images and encounters. Arke thus addresses some of the key problems in the discussion of representation, and her work becomes an important critique not only of the colonial representations itself, but of the way in which the postcolonial response has dealt with these issues, trying to bring us further and beyond.

Using a Fascist monument in South Tyrol, Northern Italy as a case study, this paper investigatesthe role of monuments in managing and negotiating interpretations of the past in culturally heterogeneoussocieties. It explores approaches to overcoming the exclusionary potential of culturalheritage, reframing it in more inclusive, pluralist terms. It provides an in-depth analysis of a dialogical,pluralistic approach to heritage, which allows divergent, even contrary, interpretations of thepast to coexist. Thus, the paper sheds light on how monuments (re)construct and contest memoryand history. It provides insights into constructive ways of engaging with a controversial heritage inmultiethnic societies.Keywords: cultural heritage; fascism; memory; monuments; reconciliation; South Tyrol; multiethnic societiesDOI: 10.14712/23363231.2018.1

Abstract Originally, the concept of resilience refers to one’s capacity to cope with unexpected shocks and unpredictable situations. Originating from ecological theories, the approach has gained ground in social sciences. In the context of education, the concept has been applied to explain how disadvantaged students can overcome structural constraints and become educationally successful and socially mobile (Werner, E. E., Vulnerable but invincible: a longitudinal study of resilient children and youth. McGraw-Hill, New York, 1982; Masten A. S., American Psychologist 56: 227–238, 2001; Reid, R., Botterrill L. C., Australian Journal of Public Administration 72:31–40, 2013; Máté, D., Erdélyi Társadalom 13:43–55, 2015). This paper is based on the analysis of the Hungarian National Assessment of Basic Competences (NABC) database which has been conducted annually since 2001. We created a typology of school resilience based on the schools’ social and ethnic profile as well as their performance indicators. We defined those schools resilient which over perform others with similar social intake, and we also identified irresilient schools which underperform others with similar social intake. The school types were created by correlating the socio-economic status index (SES) and school performance. Since the NABC database provides us with data on the estimated rate of Roma students in each school, it is possible to take into account the schools’ ethnic intake in the analysis of resilience. We conducted statistical analyses to compare the performance of resilient and irresilient schools in the light of the ratio of Roma students. Finally, we seek answers to the question whether ethnic segregation correlates with school achievement in Hungary. We could identify some crucial institutional factors contributing to resilience (or school success) in the case of schools with relatively high proportion of Roma students.

The paper examines migration experience and migrant solidarity within a differential migration system. The paper unfolds how Hungarians living in Germany have become involved in refugee support (either in form of voluntary or paid work), and how their engagement relates to their own experience of migration. Concerning applied methods the paper is based on a quantitative online survey and qualitative interviews.

This article discusses the capacity of corporate consociationalism in bringing positive peace, understood as the enhancement of societal harmony, cooperation and integration, by analyzing South Tyrol, considered a model-case to diffuse ethnic tensions. Using data on attitudes of the South Tyrolean population concerning various aspects of the relationships between South Tyrolean linguistic groups, the analysis shows that South Tyrolean consociational mechanisms have brought peaceful coexistence and mutual acceptance among the groups, but some problematic elements remain in the success story of South Tyrol. Thereby the article highlights the limits of corporate consociationalism in fostering positive peace in divided societies.

The focus of the special issue of these papers is the investigation of the consequences of education-driven upward mobility of first-in-family graduates in Hungary. All papers except one draw on the findings of a 3-year research project that aimed to explore the int as 'first-generation intellectuals ersectional effect of class, race and gender on the outcome and the price of different mobility trajectories of first-generation intellectuals. 3 They address the question of whether there are significant differences regarding upward educational mobility trajectories and their consequences for academically high achieving Roma and non-Roma men and women. We call our study group academic high achievers or first-in-family graduates -none of whose parents have a degree and who are designated as 'first generation intellectuals' in Hungarian mobility studies (among others Ferenczi 2003, Mazsu 2012).

BACKGROUND: Although risk factors of recurrent and persistent bacterial vaginosis (BV) have been explored in the literature, the longitudinal incidence patterns of BV remain elusive. METHODS: We conducted a secondary analysis of longitudinal data from a randomized clinical trial of metronidazole treatment for asymptomatic BV. Repeated-measures latent class analysis was used to identify distinct longitudinal patterns of incident BV cases. Multinomial regression analysis was used to determine the predictors of class membership. The multivariable model included age, last BV treatment, douching frequency, birth control, sexual risk behavior, and assignment to treatment arm. RESULTS: A total of 858 African American women who were asymptomatic for BV were included in the analysis. Three emergent patterns of BV for 12 months were identified by repeated-measures latent class analysis: persistent (55.9%), recurrent (30.5%), and clearance (13.5%). Participants who had douched at least once had significantly lower odds to be in the recurrent class versus the clearance class (adjusted odds ratio [adjOR], 0.55; 95% confidence interval [CI], 0.18-0.63). Women who had sex with women had significantly lower odds of belonging to the persistent class versus the clearance class (adjOR, 0.38; 95% CI, 0.22-0.68) and the recurrent class (adjOR, 0.43; 95% CI, 0.23-0.81). Those who were assigned to the treatment arm had significantly increased odds of being in the recurrent class versus the clearance class (adjOR, 1.92; 95% CI, 1.22-3.03). Women older than 21 years were significantly more likely to be in the recurrent class (adjOR, 1.88; 95% CI, 1.17-3.00) than in the clearance class. CONCLUSIONS: Assessment of BV cases revealed distinct patterns of recurrence and persistence of BV, which were significantly associated with douching, being in the treatment arm, and being a woman who had sex with women.

Abstract This paper explores interconnections between nationhood and philanthropy, namely, how philanthropy works as a domain of meaningful social practice framed by national ideologies and how interpretations born in the institutional contexts of philanthropy may play a central role in making sense of the nation. We observe how various divisions inherent in philanthropic practices—between helpers and the helped and between those who take part in helping as opposed to those who do not—become reflected in concepts of nationhood shaped by these activities. The study of two cases—first, the philanthropic actions of Hungarian citizens towards Hungarian minority communities in Ukraine and Romania, and second, humanitarian volunteer initiatives aimed at supporting refugees during the summer of 2015 in Hungary—makes it possible to understand how philanthropic practices become a site for reproducing competing definitions of nationhood.

This article explores how first-in-family-graduate Roma and non-Roma Hungarians from the working-class experience education-driven social mobility and reconcile the dislocation of their primary-habitus due to changing class through transiting a ‘third space’. Drawing on Bhabha’s and bell hooks’ development of this concept, we aim to unpack the different ways how class-changers, in moving between the social milieu of their origin and their destination, occupy a unique position between two fields. Their social position is described as one of social navigators with a bridging potential between social classes. We also investigate what part higher education plays in this distinct form of changing class and becoming incorporated into middle-class society through a third space for those academic high achievers who come from working-class families. Contrasting the experience of Roma with non-Roma first-generation graduates in Hungary, we draw attention to the different opportunities of reconciling conflicting class-related habitus along ethno-racial lines.

The scope of action of EU Member States’ land policies lies at the intersection of positive and negative integration. Therefore, if a Member State restricts the ownership and use of agricultural land, it implies both the legitimate restriction of fundamental freedoms and that it achieves the targets listed under the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) on improving the quality of living for farmers in keeping with the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). Despite this, it is worrisome that the EU’s control over negative integration does not allow Member States to create sustainable regulations. In contrast, the EU law leaves it entirely to the Member States to introduce restitution measures vis-à-vis the properties that were confiscated before their accession. The EU’s control prohibits direct discrimination against the citizens of other Member States. Under certain circumstances, according to the European Commission, the general principles of EU law and the provisions of the Charter can help individuals enforce restitution provisions. Bearing this in mind, we analysed the practice of the European Commission, its statements, and procedures against Member States, given that these are based on professional and/or political considerations. We examine the practice of the Commission and the CJEU vis-à-vis a Hungarian legislation on the so-called ‘zsebszerződések’. We also propose recommendations.

Abstract This article analyzes processes of securitization in India’s former State of Jammu and Kashmir (SJK), a disputed borderland characterized by a three-dimensional conflict: the international conflict over Jammu and Kashmir, the inter-governmental conflict between the autonomous SJK and the Indian government, and the inter-communal conflict within the SJK. Applying the concept of securitization beyond its traditional Eurocentric perspective, we explore the securitization of transborder kinship in a case study outside the Global North. We examine the perceived threats vis-à-vis the SJK and the Kashmiri Muslim in light of ontological insecurities rooted in the main Indian national narratives and show how dysfunctional diversity governance in a complex geopolitical context intersects with processes of securitization, affecting inter-communal, inter-governmental, and inter-state relations. The article shows that ontological insecurities, combined with fear of separatism and short-sighted political strategies, led Indian political elites to erode the autonomy of the SJK, and undermine its democratic political processes. This, in turn, led to an increasing dissatisfaction among various communities and, in time, to civil unrest, strong religious polarization, communal and state violence, human rights abuses, insurgency, and the rise of separatist Islamic militant groups. This vicious circle turned New Delhi’s fears into a self-fulfilling prophecy. We highlight the continuum of securitization processes and argue that the former SJK could escape the vicious circle of securitization only through a combination of self-governance, good governance, and international governance.