Instituto de Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Lisboa

This is a pioneering study on the relationship between quality of work life and the employee's perception of their contribution to organizational performance. It unveils the importance of subjective and behavioral components of quality of work life and their influence on the formation of the collaborator's individual desire to contribute to strengthening the organization's productivity. The results obtained indicate that for workers: feeling their supervisors' support through listening to their concerns and by sensing they take them on board; being integrated in a good work environment; and feeling respected both as professionals and as people; positively influence their feeling of contributing to organizational performance. The results are particularly relevant given the increased weight of services in the labor market, together with intensified automation and digitalization of collaborators' functions. The findings also contribute to the ongoing debate about the need for more work on the subjective and behavioral components of so-called smart and learning organizations, rather than focusing exclusively on remuneration as the factor stimulating organizational productivity based on the collaborator's contribution.

Resumo Objetivou-se neste estudo apreender a gênese das representações sociais do novo coronavírus, bem como do tratamento da COVID-19, considerando-se diferentes ancoragens sociais de brasileiros. Contou-se com 595 participantes, predominantemente do sexo feminino (69,9%) e da região Nordeste do Brasil (64,9%). Os dados, coletados através de um questionário online, permitiram análises de Classificações Hierárquicas Descendentes, indicando que a gênese das representações sociais do novo coronavírus é marcada por preocupações relativas à sua disseminação e implicações psicossociais e afetivas. Já o campo representacional do tratamento enfatiza a remissão ou a amenização dos sintomas causados pela COVID-19. As variações nas representações sociais identificadas nesta pesquisa, em função dos diferentes grupos sociais, indicam que futuras intervenções devem considerar as especificidades de cada um deles na disseminação de representações e práticas sociais direcionadas para conter o estado pandêmico.

Abstract Sectoral contracts in many European countries set wage floors for different occupation groups. In addition, employers often pay a wage premium (or wage cushion) to individual workers. We use administrative data from Portugal, linked to collective bargaining agreements, to study the interactions between wage floors and wage cushions and quantify the impact of sectoral wage floors. Although wages exhibit a “spike” at the wage floor, a typical worker receives a 20% premium over the floor, with larger cushions for older- and better-educated workers and at higher-productivity firms. Cushions also allow wages to covary with firm-specific productivity, even within sectoral agreements. Contract negotiations tend to raise all wage floors proportionally, with increases that reflect average productivity growth among covered firms. As floors rise, however, cushions are compressed, leading to an average passthrough rate of about 50%. Finally, we use a series of counterfactual simulations to show that real wage reductions during the recent financial crisis arose through reductions in real wage floors, reductions in real cushions, and a re-allocation of workers to lower wage floors. Offsetting these effects was a rapid rise in education of new cohorts, which in the absence of other factors would have led to rising real wages.

Abstract Portuguese politics and mainstream media have been resistant to the recent spread of populism. This article examines the specific features of Portuguese politics and media that might explain the apparent exception, and puts it to test by analysing the prevalence of populist discourses and styles of communication in different types of online media. The sample is composed of mediated and unmediated messages on immigration and corruption, two issues that are commonly present in populist discourses by both right- and left-wing political actors. Overall, the content analysis shows that although populist discourses are not recurrent in politics and media, social media have amplified the visibility of this kind of discourses in Portugal.

The reliance on untrained reporters with limited or no understanding of journalistic standards has become increasingly widespread particularly in less democratic environments and these practices have impacted news gathering and reporting. There however has been some debate about the conceivability, capacity, reliability and acceptability of citizen journalists due to the lack of the professional standards associated with the profession. Even so, diverse forms of citizen journalism continue to emerge and develop in several countries in the Global South, such as Zimbabwe and Mozambique, examined in-depth in our study of the current frameworks, trends, practices and principles of citizen journalism in Africa. Buoyed by what appears like a slump in global citizen journalism research, we identify specific cases to rethink the concept, seeking to theoretically contribute to new directions on the phenomenon’s role in African societies. Our analysis suggests that a reconceptualization of citizen journalism is imperative thanks to several factors, including improved access to the Internet and changing attitudes toward political dissent and participation, citizen journalism in Africa is taking new directions.

From 2003, President Lula heralded a new dawn in Brazil’s<br/>expanding African relations. Brazil was claimed to be unlike other<br/>exploitative powers because of its cultural, geographic and<br/>historic connections; Africa’s true brother. Despite the passing of<br/>two decades and a number of scandals, this narrative of<br/>exceptionalism remains. Studies on Brazil–Africa relations tend to<br/>focus on the Brazilian state as the key, essentially benign agent.<br/>Our analysis uses the case studies of Angola and Tanzania to<br/>debunk the idea of Brazilian exceptionalism. We demonstrate the<br/>significant, overlooked agency of corporations in shaping and<br/>implementing Lula’s Africa Policy, and determining its<br/>developmentally dubious outcomes. Additionally, the paper shows<br/>how political elites in Africa directed Brazilian government and<br/>companies into their political and business norms. Thus, Brazil–<br/>Africa relations replicated much of the typical economic patterns<br/>of the continent’s trade, with oft-controversial and corrupt<br/>investment in commodity extraction and infrastructure.

OBJECTIVE: To evaluate the performance of comprehensive care for older adults in primary care services in the Brazilian Unified Health System in the state of São Paulo, Brazil. METHODS: A total of 157 primary care services from five health regions in midwestern São Paulo responded, from October to December 2014, the pre-validated 2014 questionnaire for primary care services assessment and monitoring. We selected 155 questions, based on national policies and guidelines on this theme. The responses indicate the service performance in older adults' care, clustered into three areas of analysis: health care for active and healthy aging (45 indicators, d1), chronic noncommunicable diseases care (89 indicators, d2), and support network in aging care (21 indicators, d3). Performance was measured by the sum of positive (value 1) or negative (value 0) responses for each indicator. Services were clustered according to k-means of the performance scores of each domain. After weighting the domains (Z tests), we estimated the associations between the scores of each domain and independent management variables (typology, planning and evaluation of services), with simple and multiple linear regression. RESULTS: Chronic noncommunicable diseases care (d2) showed, for all clusters, better average performance (55.7) than domains d1 (35.4) and d3 (39.2). Service performance in the general area of planning and evaluation associates with the performance of older adults' care. CONCLUSIONS: The evaluated services had incipient implementation of comprehensive care for older adults. The evaluation framework can contribute to processes to improve the quality of primary health care.

This article argues that the dominant paradigm in studies of British small wars positing a central role of minimum force in doctrinal guidelines for counterinsurgency needs to be even more fundamentally revised than has been argued in recent debates. More specifically, it argues that minimum force is nowhere to be found in British doctrine during the small wars of decolonisation. The need for revision also applies to the way British counterinsurgency is usually sharply contrasted with French counterinsurgency. British doctrine during this period is better understood when placed in its proper historical context. This means comparing it with the other two most significant examples of doctrinal development for small wars of decolonisation – those of France and Portugal. This comparison shows that British counterinsurgency was not uniquely population-centric, and this characteristic cannot, therefore, be the reason for its arguably superior if far from infallible performance. Evidence for these arguments comes primarily from doctrinal sources developed specifically to deal with counterinsurgency, complemented with insights from key military thinkers and archival sources of relevance practices. Some wider implications of this analysis for the relationship between combat experience and doctrinal development as well as for counterinsurgency are identified.

Significant resources and efforts have been devoted, especially in the USA, to develop predictive policing programs. Predictive policing is, at the same time, one of the drivers of the birth, and the ultimate material enactment of, the anticipatory logics that are central to the smart city discourse. Quite surprisingly, however, critical analyses of the smart city have remained divorced from critical criminology and police studies. To fill this gap, this article sets out the first critical, in-depth empirical discussion of Blue CRUSH, a predictive policing program developed in Memphis (TN, USA), where its implementation intersects long-term austerity for urban policy. The article, first, shows that there is no evidence of Blue CRUSH’s capacity to prevent crime, thus adding empirical material to skepticism over the role of predictive policing as a policy solution in the first place. And, second, it argues that, rather than making crime a matter of technological solutions, predictive policing shifts the politics therein – in short, it contributes to the expansion of policing into the field of urban policy at the same time as it disrupts present police work. These takeaways allow to further the critique of the salvific promises implicit in the smart city discourse.

This is the first study of processes of selfing and othering by speakers of a non-standard variety of Dutch. The group studied consists of young men in the Dutch city of Rotterdam who self-identify as Surinamese while having only very limited proficiency in what is considered their heritage language, Sranan. Applying a synthesis of principles and concepts from various semiotic approaches to the study of identification processes (Baumann 2004, Bucholtz &amp; Hall 2005, Gal &amp; Irvine 1995), it is shown that the youngsters in this study interweave categories of language, race, and place in assembling constantly changing multi-leveled identities that help to construct self and other. We will analyze the indexical workings of these interwoven categories and show how the constantly re-defined segmenting of these categories enables speakers to authenticate or denaturalize groups and individuals in changing discursive contexts.

This paper analyzes the structure and the temporal invariance of the Portuguese version of the Positive and Negative Affect Schedule. Previous studies are not consensual whether PANAS measures two or three affect factors and whether such factors are independent or correlated. In order to fill in this gap, we compared the original PANAS, as an independent bi-dimensional structure, with several other alternative structures. Two hundred forty five university students and professional trainees answered the questionnaire in two distinct moments with a two month interval. The model of PANAS with a structure of two independent factors, Positive Affect (PA) and Negative Affect (NA), as proposed by the authors of the scale, was tested. However, the best model consisted of two independent factors, PA and NA, with the cross-loading of the item "excited" between PA and NA, and specified error correlations between the same categories of emotions. Another gap in the literature is the temporal invariance analysis of the PANAS. This paper assesses the temporal invariance of the scale, using the structural equation modeling analysis. Although it was used in its state form version, the PANAS scale showed temporal stability in a two month interval.

The article contributes to recent discussions on convergence/divergence of local policies for urban security and public safety amid globalization, exploring comparatively local approaches to crime prevention and explaining differences/similarities through multilevel connections. I analyze situational prevention, social policy, and proximity/community policing in two “not-so-global” metropolises: Lisbon, where security is the goal of a wide set of policies in many fields, and Memphis, where social problems have become security issues and policing the only game in town. Differing approaches are explained on the grounds of political traditions, neoliberalization of policy, and multilevel relations among polities. I discuss implications for the relation between policy and policing: Police attempts at social outreach amid coupling/decoupling of security with/from urban policy, and the “mission creep” of policing when it is expected to lead prevention. Conclusions advocate that policy reform is necessary at many levels to deal with the intersection of crime, retrenching welfare, and aggressive policing in U.S. cities such as Memphis.

Brazil has been labeled an anchor country, a leading area, and a regional power. Yet, even before the crisis triggered by Operation ‘Car Wash’ began, several scholars had called into question Brazil’s driving role in regional integration, stressing political challenges and economic weaknesses that hindered closer relationships among the South American countries. More optimistic research tends to concentrate on initiatives and visions of Brazil’s regional leadership, with lesser focus on obstacles and implementation. We develop the concept of ‘geoeconomic nodality’ to assess Brazi’s impact on South America and shed light on the structural sources of economic fragmentation, namely geographical conditions and their interaction with public policies. A geoeconomic node is the core of economic networks in a geographically delimited system. The flows of the system’s units are focused on the node, enabling it to transfer impulses for development – and reflecting what the concepts on anchor countries, leading areas, and regional powers suggest. Our findings show that long distances, physical barriers, the maritime orientation of core zones of population and economic activity, and the poor state of transcontinental infrastructure reduce Brazil’s geoeconomic nodality. Resource nationalism, volatile public policies, and fluctuating exchange rates contribute to this structural mix, so that the prospects to overcome the obstacles imposed by geography appear dim.

Following a reflection triggered by a fieldwork episode, this paper discusses issues of faith, belief, and personal conviction within anthropological fieldwork and specifically within research carried out in contexts of belief and religious practice. Incorporating fieldwork and biographical accounts taken from research within the (Gypsy) Filadelfia Evangelical Church, I discuss the involvement of personal beliefs and attitudes in anthropological theory and practice, its consequences on the production and circulation of anthropological and interpersonal knowledge, and its importance for the construction of personal relationships within fieldwork contexts. I outline the dynamic and somewhat paradoxical character of this process by comparing two different but sequential field contexts – Lisbon and Madrid.

This article presents the design of a seven-country study focusing on childhood vaccines, Addressing Vaccine Hesitancy in Europe (VAX-TRUST), developed during the COVID-19 pandemic. The study consists of (a) situation analysis of vaccine hesitancy (examination of individual, socio-demographic and macro-level factors of vaccine hesitancy and analysis of media coverage on vaccines and vaccination and (b) participant observation and in-depth interviews of healthcare professionals and vaccine-hesitant parents. These analyses were used to design interventions aimed at increasing awareness on the complexity of vaccine hesitancy among healthcare professionals involved in discussing childhood vaccines with parents. We present the selection of countries and regions, the conceptual basis of the study, details of the data collection and the process of designing and evaluating the interventions, as well as the potential impact of the study. Laying out our research design serves as an example of how to translate complex public health issues into social scientific study and methods.

Abstract This article provides the contextual background to the symposium on Populist Discourses and Political Communication in Southern Europe . It explains the symposium’s objectives and introduces the rationale of its articles on Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain. Within this context, the editors also highlight the specific conditions for the emergence of typical forms of Southern European populism, as well as its distinctive features, focusing on the challenges populism poses to politics and media research. The implications of the phenomenon for the future of the European project are also addressed.

This research examines the barriers and facilitators to employers’ engagement with higher education institutions. The data were collected through interviews with a set of employers (n = 19) in the Northern region of Portugal, V.N.de Famalicão, in 2019. We begin by exploring employers’ engagement activities as a potential solution to address local-level skill problems. Empirical evidence suggests that the engagement activities are mostly passive as firms use higher education largely as a recruitment channel. The differences in organizational goals and culture are the most cited barriers to the lack of more active engagement. Some efforts have recently been made to strengthen the ties between higher education and employers, notably through a local multi-stakeholder partnership as a potential broker. However, it will take time for this to bear fruit and contribute to reducing skill gaps and shortages. The data show that despite employers’ apparent willingness, more effort must be made to encourage active engagement.

Communication is an essential dimension of human life and of social spheres, such as health sphere, and concretely of therapeutic relations. And having health decides the human well-being. However, Europeans face an urging problem related with low levels of health literacy and human communication in doctor-patient relationship has not concentrated in doses of an effective comprehension, indispensable to the health treatment. There are several studies on the need to use communication competences due to better health outcomes are based on the ability to communicate with patients. And studies show that a fragile communication quality within health professional influences the relationship between low health literacy and a deficient health. This article focuses on the contribution of communication competences, used by healthcare professionals in the clinical relationship with patients, to improve therapeutic adherence through a better understanding of health instructions and, hence, higher competences in health literacy. It is a main and specific goal to construct and validate by health specialists a model of communication competences, that includes the interdependent use of assertiveness, clear language and positivity by the healthcare professional.

Urban security (or public safety), rather than a “social problem” tackled neutrally, is an issue of political contestation, owing to its threefold gist as right to not be victims of crime, policy goal, and social demand. This article, highlighting how planning research has neglected to engage with contemporary paradoxes of security, makes the case for a critical approach to crime prevention and explores the embeddedness of urban security in planning practice in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area. We debate the relations of urban security with changing planning paradigms and political approaches around the vertical (multilevel/multiscale) and horizontal distribution of planning practices.

El estudio de los gabinetes presidenciales se ha focalizado predominantemente en las formaciones de coalición, distinguiendo a los ministros en función de su afiliación partidaria particularmente en los momentos de instauración y terminación del gabinete. Este artículo desplaza el foco de análisis hacia los gabinetes de partido único para indagar las modalidades de selección de ministros en situaciones donde el soporte legislativo de coalición pierde relevancia. Se propone un modelo de análisis que incluye la observación de afiliaciones extrapartidarias, capacidades técnicas individuales y vínculos personales con el presidente, y se lo aplica al estudio del caso argentino. Los resultados sugieren que presidentes bien posicionados tienden a aplicar estrategias de distribución de ministerios más cerradas, con grados de institucionalidad que dependen de la organización partidaria del presidente y su estilo de liderazgo.