Schlumberger (Ireland)

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. Although the partitioning of a total effect into direct and indirect components in the manner described here does not require the assumption that the errors in estimation are uncorrelated, such intercorrelation can bias parameter estimates and standard errors. Correlated errors can result from, among other things, the exclusion of variables from the model that are correlated with two or more included variables. 2. Otherwise, I agree wholeheartedly with the position Holbert and Stephenson (2003) take in their statement that communication researchers should place much more emphasis on the estimation and testing of indirect effects than they have in the past. 3. Bootstrapping requires the raw data rather than just a covariance matrix. Readers interested in the raw data used in this example can contact me at hayes.338@osu.edu and I will gladly send it. 4. Contrary to conventional wisdom, it is possible (although rare in practice) for a standardized coefficient to be larger than 1 in absolute value (Deegan, 1978 Deegan, J. R. 1978. On the occurrence of standardized regression coefficients greater than 1. Educational and Psychological Measurement, 38: 873–888. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]). This means that even the standardized indirect effect has no real upper or lower bound.

We appreciate the comment by Kilpatrick et al. (1) regarding the International Expert Committee report on the diagnosis of diabetes with the A1C assay (2). The Committee considered all of the limitations of the A1C assay for populations in which it is not available or is currently too expensive, as well as for individuals in whom the assay may be misleading. On the basis of these recognized limitations, the Committee emphasized the use of the currently recommended glucose tests and criteria in such populations or individuals. We did not “breeze over” any of the relative advantages or disadvantages of the A1C assay as a means of diagnosis; rather, the …

A pot trial was carried out to investigate the effect of biochar produced from greenwaste by pyrolysis on the yield of radish (Raphanus sativus var. Long Scarlet) and the soil quality of an Alfisol. Three rates of biochar (10, 50 and 100 t/ha) with and without additional nitrogen application (100 kg N/ha) were investigated. The soil used in the pot trial was a hardsetting Alfisol (Chromosol) (0–0.1 m) with a long history of cropping. In the absence of N fertiliser, application of biochar to the soil did not increase radish yield even at the highest rate of 100 t/ha. However, a significant biochar × nitrogen fertiliser interaction was observed, in that higher yield increases were observed with increasing rates of biochar application in the presence of N fertiliser, highlighting the role of biochar in improving N fertiliser use efficiency of the plant. For example, additional increase in DM of radish in the presence of N fertiliser varied from 95% in the nil biochar control to 266% in the 100 t/ha biochar-amended soils. A slight but significant reduction in dry matter production of radish was observed when biochar was applied at 10 t/ha but the cause is unclear and requires further investigation. Significant changes in soil quality including increases in pH, organic carbon, and exchangeable cations as well as reduction in tensile strength were observed at higher rates of biochar application (>50 t/ha). Particularly interesting are the improvements in soil physical properties of this hardsetting soil in terms of reduction in tensile strength and increases in field capacity.

Abstract This paper places the key issues and implications of the new ‘introductory’ book on spatial econometrics by James LeSage & Kelley Pace (2009) in a broader perspective: the argument in favour of the spatial Durbin model, the use of indirect effects as a more valid basis for testing whether spatial spillovers are significant, the use of Bayesian posterior model probabilities to determine which spatial weights matrix best describes the data, and the book's contribution to the literature on spatio-temporal models. The main conclusion is that the state of the art of applied spatial econometrics has taken a step change with the publication of this book. Relever le niveau de l'économetrie spatial appliquée RÉSUMÉ La présente communication place les principales questions et implications du nouvel ouvrage d'introduction sur l'économétries spatiale de James LeSage & Kelley Pace (2009) dans un contexte plus général: l'argument favorisant le modèle spatial de Durbin, l'emploi d'effets indirects comme base plus valable pour évaluer l'aspect significatif des déversements spatiaux, l'emploi des probabilités d'un modèle baysien postérieur pour évaluer laquelle des matrices de poids spatiaux décrit le mieux les donnes, et la contribution de l'ouvrage la documentation sur les modèles spatio-temporels. La principale conclusion est qu'avec la publication de cet ouvrage, l'état de l'art de l'économétries spatiale applique a effectué un grand pas en avant. Alzar el nivel de la econometría espacial aplicada RÉSUMÉ Este trabajo plantea las cuestiones e implicaciones clave del nuevo libro introductorio sobre económetra espacial de James LeSage & Kelley Pace (2009) dentro de una perspectiva más amplia: el argumento a favor del modelo espacial Durbin, el uso de efectos indirectos como una base más válida para poner a prueba si los desbordamientos espaciales son significativos, el uso de probabilidades posteriores bayesianas para descubrir que matriz de pesos espaciales describe mejor los datos, y la contribución del libro a la bibliógrafa sobre modelos espaciotemporales. La principal conclusión es que la econometría espacial aplicada más avanzada ha experimentado un cambio radical con la publicación de este libro.

Wildland fire is a global phenomenon, and a result of interactions between climate–weather, fuels and people. Our climate is changing rapidly primarily through the release of greenhouse gases that may have profound and possibly unexpected impacts on global fire activity. The present paper reviews the current understanding of what the future may bring with respect to wildland fire and discusses future options for research and management. To date, research suggests a general increase in area burned and fire occurrence but there is a lot of spatial variability, with some areas of no change or even decreases in area burned and occurrence. Fire seasons are lengthening for temperate and boreal regions and this trend should continue in a warmer world. Future trends of fire severity and intensity are difficult to determine owing to the complex and non-linear interactions between weather, vegetation and people. Improved fire data are required along with continued global studies that dynamically include weather, vegetation, people, and other disturbances. Lastly, we need more research on the role of policy, practices and human behaviour because most of the global fire activity is directly attributable to people.

Research on the adoption of rural innovations is reviewed and interpreted through a cross-disciplinary lens to provide practical guidance for research, extension and policy relating to conservation practices. Adoption of innovations by landholders is presented as a dynamic learning process. Adoption depends on a range of personal, social, cultural and economic factors, as well as on characteristics of the innovation itself. Adoption occurs when the landholder perceives that the innovation in question will enhance the achievement of their personal goals. A range of goals is identifiable among landholders, including economic, social and environmental goals. Innovations are more likely to be adopted when they have a high ‘relative advantage’ (perceived superiority to the idea or practice that it supersedes), and when they are readily trialable (easy to test and learn about before adoption). Non-adoption or low adoption of a number of conservation practices is readily explicable in terms of their failure to provide a relative advantage (particularly in economic terms) or a range of difficulties that landholders may have in trialing them.

ABSTRACT The advocacy coalition framework (ACF) has generated considerable interest among European policy scholars. This article summarizes some of the more important findings concerning, and changes to, the ACF since the last major revision in 1993. These include: (1) a much clearer model of the individual; (2) a clearer, more integrated concept of 'policy subsystem;' (3) much greater attention to the problematic nature of collective behavior among people who share policy beliefs; and (4) some suggestions concerning methods of ascertaining the existence and membership of advocacy coalitions. The article also briefly addresses the ACF's applicability to parliamentary systems, to the countries of Eastern Europe, and to the dynamic politics of the European Union. KEY WORDS : Advocacy coalition frameworkEuropean policypolicy theorypublic policy

While calls for ‘environmental justice’ have grown recently, very little attention has been paid to exactly what the ‘justice’ of environmental justice refers to, particularly in the realm of social movement demands. Most understandings of environmental justice refer to the issue of equity, or the distribution of environmental ills and benefits. But defining environmental justice as equity is incomplete, as activists, communities, and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) call for much more than just distribution. This essay examines how definitions beyond the distributive in these movements can help us develop conceptions of global environmental justice. The argument is that the justice demanded by global environmental justice is really threefold: equity in the distribution of environmental risk, recognition of the diversity of the participants and experiences in affected communities, and participation in the political processes which create and manage environmental policy. The existence of three different notions of justice in the movement, simultaneously, demonstrates the plausibility of a plural yet unified theory and practice of justice.

Here, we propose a new model for understanding the Warburg effect in tumor metabolism. Our hypothesis is that epithelial cancer cells induce the Warburg effect (aerobic glycolysis) in neighboring stromal fibroblasts. These cancer-associated fibroblasts, then undergo myo-fibroblastic differentiation, and secrete lactate and pyruvate (energy metabolites resulting from aerobic glycolysis). Epithelial cancer cells could then take up these energy-rich metabolites and use them in the mitochondrial TCA cycle, thereby promoting efficient energy production (ATP generation via oxidative phosphorylation), resulting in a higher proliferative capacity. In this alternative model of tumorigenesis, the epithelial cancer cells instruct the normal stroma to transform into a wound-healing stroma, providing the necessary energy-rich micro-environment for facilitating tumor growth and angiogenesis. In essence, the fibroblastic tumor stroma would directly feed the epithelial cancer cells, in a type of host-parasite relationship. We have termed this new idea the "Reverse Warburg Effect." In this scenario, the epithelial tumor cells "corrupt" the normal stroma, turning it into a factory for the production of energy-rich metabolites. This alternative model is still consistent with Warburg's original observation that tumors show a metabolic shift towards aerobic glycolysis. In support of this idea, unbiased proteomic analysis and transcriptional profiling of a new model of cancer-associated fibroblasts (caveolin-1 (Cav-1) deficient stromal cells), shows the upregulation of both (1) myo-fibroblast markers and (2) glycolytic enzymes, under normoxic conditions. We validated the expression of these proteins in the fibroblastic stroma of human breast cancer tissues that lack stromal Cav-1. Importantly, a loss of stromal Cav-1 in human breast cancers is associated with tumor recurrence, metastasis, and poor clinical outcome. Thus, an absence of stromal Cav-1 may be a biomarker for the "Reverse Warburg Effect," explaining its powerful predictive value.

Humans share with animals a primitive neural system for processing emotions such as fear and anger. Unlike other animals, humans have the unique ability to control and modulate instinctive emotional reactions through intellectual processes such as reasoning, rationalizing, and labeling our experiences. This study used functional MRI to identify the neural networks underlying this ability. Subjects either matched the affect of one of two faces to that of a simultaneously presented target face (a perceptual task) or identified the affect of a target face by choosing one of two simultaneously presented linguistic labels (an intellectual task). Matching angry or frightened expressions was associated with increased regional cerebral blood flow (rCBF) in the left and right amygdala, the brain's primary fear centers. Labeling these same expressions was associated with a diminished rCBF response in the amygdalae. This decrease correlated with a simultaneous increase in rCBF in the right prefrontal cortex, a neocortical region implicated in regulating emotional responses. These results provide evidence for a network in which higher regions attenuate emotional responses at the most fundamental levels in the brain and suggest a neural basis for modulating emotional experience through interpretation and labeling.

Despite the recent interest in biochars as soil amendments for improving soil quality and increasing soil carbon sequestration, there is inadequate knowledge on the soil amendment properties of these materials produced from different feed stocks and under different pyrolysis conditions. This is particularly true for biochars produced from animal origins. Two biochars produced from poultry litter under different conditions were tested in a pot trial by assessing the yield of radish (Raphanus sativus var. Long Scarlet) as well as the soil quality of a hardsetting Chromosol (Alfisol). Four rates of biochar (0, 10, 25, and 50 t/ha), with and without nitrogen application (100 kg N/ha) were investigated. Both biochars, without N fertiliser, produced similar increases in dry matter yield of radish, which were detectable at the lowest application rate, 10 t/ha. The yield increase (%), compared with the unamended control rose from 42% at 10 t/ha to 96% at 50 t/ha of biochar application. The yield increases can be attributed largely to the ability of these biochars to increase N availability. Significant additional yield increases, in excess of that due to N fertiliser alone, were observed when N fertiliser was applied together with the biochars, highlighting the other beneficial effects of these biochars. In this regard, the non activated poultry litter biochar produced at lower temperature (450°C) was more effective than the activated biochar produced at higher temperature (550°C), probably due to higher available P content. Biochar addition to the hardsetting soil resulted in significant but different changes in soil chemical and physical properties, including increases in C, N, pH, and available P, but reduction in soil strength. These different effects of the 2 different biochars can be related to their different characteristics. Significantly different changes in soil biology in terms of microbial biomass and earthworm preference properties were also observed between the 2 biochars, but the underlying mechanisms require further research. Our research highlights the importance of feedstock and process conditions during pyrolysis on the properties and, hence, soil amendment values of biochars.

Today's NY Times has two typical and interesting examples

This experimental study examined the effects of teacher self-disclosure via Facebook on anticipated college student motivation, affective learning, and classroom climate. Participants who accessed the Facebook website of a teacher high in self-disclosure anticipated higher levels of motivation and affective learning and a more positive classroom climate. In their responses to open-ended items, participants emphasized possible negative associations between teacher use of Facebook and teacher credibility. Participants offered recommendations for teachers regarding the use of Facebook and other weblog services.

AbstractEpistemic oppression refers to persistent epistemic exclusion that hinders one’s contribution to knowledge production. The tendency to shy away from using the term “epistemic oppression” may follow from an assumption that epistemic forms of oppression are generally reducible to social and political forms of oppression. While I agree that many exclusions that compromise one’s ability to contribute to the production of knowledge can be reducible to social and political forms of oppression, there still exists distinctly irreducible forms of epistemic oppression. In this paper, I claim that a major point of distinction between reducible and irreducible epistemic oppression is the major source of difficulty one faces in addressing each kind of oppression, i.e. epistemic power or features of epistemological systems. Distinguishing between reducible and irreducible forms of epistemic oppression can offer a better understanding of what is at stake in deploying the term and when such deployment is apt.Keywords: Epistemic OppressionEpistemic ExclusionEpistemological ResilienceEpistemic PowerEpistemological Systems Notes[1] This definition of epistemic exclusion relies heavily on Irene Omolola’s use of the term (see Adadevoh 2011).[2] My definition of epistemic agency is heavily influenced by Cynthia Townley’s definition (see Townley 2003, 109–110).[3] I use Plato’s Allegory very deliberately here. The allegorical imagery of Plato’s Allegory facilitates an acknowledgement of the three features of our epistemic landscape, that is, situatedness, interdependence and resilience, which I will use to illustrate different epistemic exclusions. It also serves the goals of this paper. I am not concerned here with establishing new forms of epistemic oppression or that epistemic oppression exists. If I held these goals, then utilizing the imagery in Plato’s Allegory would be inappropriate. Rather, my objective is to highlight the possibility of pulling apart reducible and irreducible epistemic oppression. As such, I do not use “real life” examples mainly because my focus is not to demonstrate the actual existence of epistemic oppression itself. Rather, mine is a pursuit of an adequate conceptualization of epistemic oppression. For articles that highlight the existence of epistemic oppression (see Code 1995; Collins 1989; Fricker 1998, 2007; Harding 1986; Langton 2000; Mills 1999). Hence, this analysis is an inquiry into conceptual approaches that can illuminate the existence of epistemic oppression and not an attempt to locate epistemic oppression on the ground.[4] This is not to say all organizational schemata are intentionally decided upon. To say that organizational schemata are intentionally collective is to gesture to the fact that collectives can and do come together according to shared aims, values and/or beliefs for the sake of furthering those aims, values, and/or beliefs. Organizational schemata will, then, develop both inside and outside of these goals thereby creating increasingly complex social-collective schemata.[5] There may be some pause over the focus on effectiveness in this approach to organizational change. However, epistemic affairs, as I understand them, are a normative affairs. Knowing well (internal justification) and accurately (external justification) is often the goal of epistemological investigations. I take this to be a kind of effectiveness.[6] It is important to note, again, that I am not borrowing the insight Plato draws from his Allegory. Rather I am appropriating the imagery for the sake of my attempt to conceptualize epistemic oppression. Hence, my use of the Allegory may diverge starkly from Plato’s positions.[7] Epistemic exclusion is not synonymous with epistemic oppression. Recall, I defined epistemic oppression according to persisting exclusion. Hence, establishing the existence of an epistemic exclusion is only one aspect of establishing the presence of epistemic oppression. One must also demonstrate the persistence of the exclusion.[8] Some would argue that even this kind of search would most likely prove ineffective. For example, Mariana Ortega carefully details how the search for the kinds of experiences that lead to epistemic friction can often lead to “being knowingly, lovingly ignorant,” another recalcitrant form of ignorance (Ortega 2006).[9] To be clear, though Plato would go on to postulate an “outside” of the cave, where access to things-in-themselves resides. I am in no way committed to the idea that there is an outside of the allegorical cave setting Plato creates. In fact, it may well be the case that, as many suggest, there is no outside of our social worlds, where knowledge lies. Regardless of how one resolves the question of knowledge and perspective, there is, however, an outside to one’s own perspective that is often held by other knowers. Hence, the “outside,” in the allegory I am building, points to epistemically different perspectives, that is, mobile vs. fettered persons.[10] This extension of the Allegory is heavily influenced by Nancy Tuana’s articulation of the creation of “epistemically damaged identities,” Patricia Hill Collins’ analysis of the suppression of black feminist thought and Miranda Fricker’s paradigm case of testimonial injustice (see Collins 1989; Fricker 2007; Tuana 2006).[11] I use the phrase “default credibility level” because it does not denote an automatic credibility conferral, but rather a general propensity to give positive credibility assessments.[12] For an account that develops this well, see Medina 2011. Tuana cites the lower credibility given to victims of incest as an example of the “construction of an epistemically disadvantaged identity.” She explains: “Victims of incest are often judged as not being epistemically credible because they are constructed as being suggestible, gullible, or vengeful. Their testimony is discredited; their memories are questioned. In instances such as these, it is not simply facts, events, practices, or technologies that are rendered not known, but individuals and groups who are rendered ‘not knowers.’ They are constructed as untrustworthy.” (2006, 13). In cases where entire groups suffer prejudices that compromise their ability to appear credible, for example, these groups experience epistemic exclusion insofar as their ability to participate in knowledge production is compromised. Their language skills become moot. Their ability to access shared images and metaphors for communicating their experience is lessened considerably. In other words, populations with epistemically disadvantaged identities have a reduced ability to utilize persuasively shared epistemic resources.[13] Miranda Fricker, in her book, Epistemic Injustice, calls the routine deflation of a given groups credibility, testimonial injustice. She writes, testimonial injustice “occurs when prejudice causes a hearer to give a deflated level of credibility to a speaker’s word” (Fricker 2007, 1). Fricker’s epistemic injustice is a species of epistemic oppression. Insofar as testimonial injustice involves persistent epistemic exclusion that compromises epistemic agency, it is a kind of epistemic oppression. Hence, the concept of epistemic oppression is an umbrella term for multiple ideas of how knowledge production can routinely harm some people and/or populations. Elsewhere I have explored Fricker’s concept of epistemic injustice using my understanding of epistemic oppression. (see Dotson 2012).[14] I borrow this term from Fricker (2007, 17).[15] There are many examples of this kind of epistemic exclusion (see e.g. Code 1995; Collins 2000; Fricker 2007; Williams 1991). For an extended example, see the Rigoberta Menchú controversy (Arias 2001).[16] It is important to note that “minimal” here does not denote “easy” or “adequate.” It is most likely the case, as is the case with Fricker’s testimonial injustice, the changes required to address first-order exclusions are quite extensive (For an account illustrating this, see Langton 2010). However, it is unclear that one needs to abandon the value placed on credibility in order to address the creation of epistemically disadvantaged identities via credibility deficits. I imply this conclusion in my article, “A Cautionary Tale” (2012).[17] For an extended example of the difficulty of the backlash such endeavors invoke see the Rigoberta Menchú controversy (Arias 2001).[18] The additions made to the Allegory are heavily influenced by Fricker’s paradigm case of hermeneutical injustice (Fricker 2007).[19] Fricker’s example of hermeneutical injustice concerned the events leading to the creation of the term “sexual harassment,” where experiences with sexual harassment predated the term itself to the detriment of the victims. Many deny the prevalence of this kind of exclusion. They claim that it presumes that at any given time there is but one set of epistemic resources (Mason 2011). However, even if one were to take the reality of alternative epistemologies and epistemic resources into consideration, communicating with those not fluent in those alternative epistemic resources can still foster second-order epistemic exclusion.[20] See, for example (Anzaldúa 1999; Dotson 2011; duCille 2009; Lugones and Spelman 1983).[21] These extensions are influenced by Lorraine Code’s concept of rhetorical space and my concept of contributory injustice (see Code 1995; Dotson 2012).[22] There is a budding debate concerning whether Fricker’s hermeneutical injustice, which I have identified as an example of a second order epistemic injustice, affects all involved knowers equally (see Beeby 2011; Medina 2012).[23] For a good example of similar epistemic ramifications of such clashes (see Bergin 2001).Additional informationNotes on contributorsKristie DotsonKristie Dotson is an assistant professor of Philosophy at Michigan State University. She researches in epistemology (particularly testimony and feminist epistemology), feminism (particularly women of color feminist philosophy) and critical philosophy of race. She edited with Robert Bernasconi a series of books entitled Race, hybridity, and miscegenation. Within feminist epistemology, her representative publications include: In search of Tanzania, Southern Journal of Philosophy (46: Supp, 2008), Tracking epistemic violence, tracking practices of silencing, Hypatia: A Journal of Feminist Philosophy (26:2, 2011), and A cautionary tale, Frontiers: A Journal of Women’s Studies (33:1, 2012).

Abstract This article unpacks the renaissance of interest in ‘the local’ in peace building. It pays increased attention to local dimensions of peace in a wider context of increased assertiveness by local actors as well as a loss of confidence by major actors behind international peace-support actors. The article sees the ‘local turn’ in peace building as part of a wider critical turn in the study of peace and conflict, and focuses on the epistemological consequences of the recourse to localism in the conceptualisation and execution of peace building. The local turn has implications for the nature and location of power in peace building. This article is largely conceptual and theoretical in nature but it is worth noting that the local turn is based on reactions to real-world events.

Abstract This article explores emerging discursive formations concerning the relationship of business and morality. It suggests that contemporary tendencies to economize public domains and methods of government also dialectically produce tendencies to moralize markets in general and business enterprises in particular. The article invokes the concept of ‘responsibilization’ as means of accounting for the epistemological and practical consequences of such processes. Looking at the underlying ‘market rationality’ of governance, and critically examining the notion of ‘corporate social responsibility’, it concludes that the moralization of markets further sustains, rather than undermining, neo-liberal governmentalities and neo-liberal visions of civil society, citizenship and responsible social action.

Prediction of the impact of global climate change on marine HABs is fraught with difficulties. However, we can learn important lessons from the fossil record of dinoflagellate cysts; long-term monitoring programs, such as the Continuous Plankton Recorder surveys; and short-term phytoplankton community responses to El Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO) and North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO) episodes. Increasing temperature, enhanced surface stratification, alteration of ocean currents, intensification or weakening of local nutrient upwelling, stimulation of photosynthesis by elevated CO2, reduced calcification through ocean acidification (“the other CO2 problem”), and heavy precipitation and storm events causing changes in land runoff and micronutrient availability may all produce contradictory species- or even strain-specific responses. Complex factor interactions exist, and simulated ecophysiological laboratory experiments rarely allow for sufficient acclimation and rarely take into account physiological plasticity and genetic strain diversity. We can expect: (i) range expansion of warm-water species at the expense of cold-water species, which are driven poleward; (ii) species-specific changes in the abundance and seasonal window of growth of HAB taxa; (iii) earlier timing of peak production of some phytoplankton; and (iv) secondary effects for marine food webs, notably when individual zooplankton and fish grazers are differentially impacted (“match-mismatch”) by climate change. Some species of harmful algae (e.g., toxic dinoflagellates benefitting from land runoff and/or water column stratification, tropical benthic dinoflagellates responding to increased water temperatures and coral reef disturbance) may become more successful, while others may diminish in areas currently impacted. Our limited understanding of marine ecosystem responses to multifactorial physicochemical climate drivers as well as our poor knowledge of the potential of marine microalgae to adapt genetically and phenotypically to the unprecedented pace of current climate change are emphasized. The greatest problems for human society will be caused by being unprepared for significant range expansions or the increase of algal biotoxin problems in currently poorly monitored areas, thus calling for increased vigilance in seafood-biotoxin and HAB monitoring programs. Changes in phytoplankton communities provide a sensitive early warning for climate-driven perturbations to marine ecosystems.

This paper distinguishes between two main concepts of accountability: accountability as a virtue and accountability as a mechanism. In the former case, accountability is used primarily as a normative concept, as a set of standards for the evaluation of the behaviour of public actors. Accountability or, more precisely, being accountable, is seen as a positive quality in organisations or officials. Hence, accountability studies often focus on normative issues, on the assessment of the actual and active behaviour of public agents. In the latter case, accountability is used in a narrower, descriptive sense. It is seen as an institutional relation or arrangement in which an actor can be held to account by a forum. Here, the locus of accountability studies is not the behaviour of public agents, but the way in which these institutional arrangements operate. The present paper argues that distinguishing more clearly between these two concepts of accountability can solve at least some of the current conceptual confusion and may provide some foundation for comparative and cumulative analysis.

Space and airborne sensors have been used to map area burned, assess characteristics of active fires, and characterize post-fire ecological effects. Confusion about fire intensity, fire severity, burn severity, and related terms can result in the potential misuse of the inferred information by land managers and remote sensing practitioners who require unambiguous remote sensing products for fire management. The objective of the present paper is to provide a comprehensive review of current and potential remote sensing methods used to assess fire behavior and effects and ecological responses to fire. We clarify the terminology to facilitate development and interpretation of comprehensible and defensible remote sensing products, present the potential and limitations of a variety of approaches for remotely measuring active fires and their post-fire ecological effects, and discuss challenges and future directions of fire-related remote sensing research.

Over the past several years, the convergence of global crises in food, energy, finance, and the environment has driven a dramatic revaluation of land ownership. Powerful transnational and national ...