United Nations University Institute on Comparative Regional Integration Studies

Theories of New Regionalism represents the first systematic attempt to bring together leading theories of new regionalism. Major theorists from around the world develop their own distinctive theoretic

Abstract The Earth system and the human system are intrinsically linked. Anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions have led to the climate crisis, which is causing unprecedented extreme events and could trigger Earth system tipping elements. Physical and social forces can lead to tipping points and cascading effects via feedbacks and telecoupling, but the current generation of climate-economy models do not generally take account of these interactions and feedbacks. Here, we show the importance of the interplay between human societies and Earth systems in creating tipping points and cascading effects and the way they in turn affect sustainability and security. The lack of modeling of these links can lead to an underestimation of climate and societal risks as well as how societal tipping points can be harnessed to moderate physical impacts. This calls for the systematic development of models for a better integration and understanding of Earth and human systems at different spatial and temporal scales, specifically those that enable decision-making to reduce the likelihood of crossing local or global tipping points.

Abstract The paper investigates and theorises different forms and patterns of resistance to international courts (ICs) and develops an analytical framework for explaining their variability. In order to make intelligible the resistance that many ICs are currently facing, the paper first unpacks the concept of resistance. It then introduces a key distinction between mere pushback from individual Member States or other actors, seeking to influence the future direction of a court's case-law, and actual backlash – a critique triggering significant institutional reform or even the dismantling of tribunals. On the basis on the proposed theoretical framework, the paper provides a roadmap for empirical studies of resistance to ICs, considering the key contextual factors necessary to take into account in such studies.

The resurrection and redefinition of regionalism are among the dominating trends in today’s international studies. Regionalism has been brought back in to the academic as well as the policy debates after some decades of neglect. Notwithstanding the hegemony of globalization and resultant anti-globalization, regionalism constitutes a set of middle-level adjuncts or alternatives in policy and practice as well as analysis. This is especially so in the post-bipolar world of the 1990s, now reinforced by the challenges to both assumptions and action constituted by the September 11 syndrome. New regionalism — a range of formal/informal mid-level ‘triangular’ relations among not only states but also non-state actors, notably civil societies and private companies — is a central aspect of the ‘new’ inter- or transnational relations.

This is essentially a book about who should control the power of money. In the aftermath of the financial crisis of 2007–08, the central banks of advanced economies applied powerful monetary policy...

Abstract This article introduces the topic of this special issue, namely the study of the EU as a global actor and the role of interregionalism. It starts with mapping out the general theme and the key questions that guide the issue, such as: to what extent are regions becoming ‘actors’ of world politics; what is the strength of interregionalism in the EU’s foreign policies towards regions and across sectors; why is interregionalism being pursued and who are the actors driving such policy; and what are the implications for world order and global governance? Region–to–region interactions are no novelty, as such, but they have only recently started to emerge on a more comprehensive scale. Interregionalism is related to changes in world order and needs therefore to be historically situated. The authors suggest that interregionalism needs to be related both to globalisation and to the restructuring of the nation–state, but above all to ‘the regionalist movement’. In the second section, the emergence of interregionalism is presented from an historical perspective and the concept of interregionalism is discussed. The article ends with a brief overview of the structure and content of the special issue as a whole.

Abstract Relations between the European Union and Africa pre‐date the origins of the EU itself. With the Lomé Convention of 1975, relations between the two regions were set on a more solid footing with a highly institutionalised framework of cooperation, hailed at the time as a partnership of equals. The successor to the Lomé Convention, the Cotonou Agreement, is now also portrayed as an innovative form of interregional cooperation, a form of hybrid interregionalism between the formal regional grouping of the European Union and a 'constructed' region, comprising the African, Caribbean, and Pacific countries. This article suggests that the EU approach to interregionalism is itself evolving, and the cooperation with the ACP group does not reflect any sustained commitment on the part of the European Union to patterns of cooperation and partnerships built up in the past.

Social science requires a dual ontology: one for the physical realm, and one for the symbolic realm of meaning. Much research produced in social science remains based in an old paradigm, which entirely neglects the symbolic realm. While social scientists attempting to forge a new paradigm have embraced a discursive approach, this approach lacks a coherent framework that can be systematically applied in the analysis of meaning. This paper presents the positioning diamond as a framework that can be employed in discourse analysis across social science disciplines. The four facets of the diamond—storylines, identities, rights and duties, and the social force of acts—can be analyzed at three levels of discourse: the content, narrator‐interlocutor, and ideological levels. The framework can be employed to provide explanations of most types of human thought and action.

This paper discusses the measurement of globalization with a view to advancing the construction of globalization indices. It critically analyzes the types of indices that can contribute to knowledge and policy on globalization. Three issues are particularly highlighted: (a) the focus of measurement (i.e. on activities or policies); (b) the dimensions of measurement (i.e. cultural, ecological, economic, political, and/or social); and (c) the units of measurement (i.e. local, national, regional, and/or global). This paper argues that a workable forward strategy should not seek to identify the single best composite globalization index, but rather should work in an interdisciplinary mode towards a set of complementary globalization indices. These quantitative analyses can then be productively blended with qualitative approaches in a fuller assessment of globalization's extent and impact.

The Political Economy of Regionalism: The Case of Southern Africa challenges prevailing wisdom, showing how ruling political elites and 'big business' join forces with certain external actors in order

Abstract This article notes a lack of communication between two broad schools of scholarship on regional integration: EU studies and analyses of the ‘new regionalism’. It is argued that the existence of this divide, which is perpetrated by proponents of both schools, is an impediment to the elaboration of useful theory as well as being a missed opportunity. The benefits and problems of using the EU as a comparator in studies of regionalism are assessed. While the mistake of giving the EU analytical primacy as a benchmark or model is to be avoided, it is argued that careful treatment of accumulated insights from EU studies (including a proper re‐inspection of classical integration theory) brings clear methodological and meta‐theoretical benefits for the project of comparative regional integration scholarship.

Abstract There is virtually no systematic debate on the fundamentals of comparative research in the study of international regionalism. The field of research is very fragmented and there is a lack of interaction between EU studies and regionalism in the rest of the world. There is also a lack of communication between scholars from various theoretical standpoints and research traditions. Related to these two divides is the tension between idiographic and nomothetic methodologies. The purpose of this article is to contribute to the largely neglected debate on how to conduct and address three interrelated problems: a conceptual, a theoretical and a methodological one. Our claim is that the future of comparative regionalism should be one where old divides are bridged. This requires a combination of conceptual rigor, theoretical eclecticism, and sounder empirical research methods.

Intercropping of maize (Zea mays L.) with perennial forage, such as palisade grass [Brachiaria brizantha (Hochst. ex A. Rich) Stapf], provides large amounts of biomass that can be used as straw for no-tillage systems or as pasture for animal grazing. In addition, the use of narrow row spacing may increase maize grain yield. However, it is important to evaluate intercrops at different row spacing to avoid reductions in both maize and forage biomass production. The objectives of this field experiment during two growing seasons in Brazil were as follows: (1) to evaluate the influence of intercropping and row spacing on maize yield, leaf nutrient concentration, and plant population and development; and (2) to assess the influence of row spacing on palisade grass herbage mass and leaf nutrient concentration. The experimental design was a randomised complete block design in a 2 × 2 factorial scheme, with eight replications. The treatments comprised two row spacing distances (0.45 and 0.90 m) and two crop management types (maize monoculture and intercropped with palisade grass). The nutrient concentrations in the leaves of the maize plants were in the ideal range for this crop under all conditions studied. Plant height, height of first ear, and number of grains per ear were higher with the narrow row spacing. Maize grain yield was similar in both crop management types (10 301 and 9745 kg ha–1 for monoculture maize and intercropped, respectively). However, maize grain yield at the narrow row spacing was higher than that obtained with the wide row spacing (9948 v. 8905 kg ha–1). In contrast, row spacing did not affect the nutrient level or quality (crude protein concentration) of palisade grass. The amount of dry matter (DM) from palisade grass was lower at maize harvesting (4.7 Mg ha–1) and 90 days after harvesting (6.9 Mg ha–1) under narrow spacing. However, the amount of DM was similar at both row spacings at 120 days after maize harvesting (9.2 Mg ha–1). When there is no problem with water and nutrient availability, the use of maize and palisade grass intercropping under both row spacing conditions (0.45 and 0.90 m) provides an option for the production of forage DM without reducing the maize grain yield.

Abstract This article introduces the special issue on the contribution of comparative regionalism/regional integration studies to the rethinking of EU studies. It sets out what we consider to be a danger for EU studies, namely its tendency towards introversion, and argue for a sustained engagement with the studies of other global regions as a means to avoid this. We draw on political science and psychology to set out a suitable framework for comparing global regions such as the EU, and show how the various contributions to the special issue demonstrate the utility for EU studies scholars of a more sustained, and more routinised, engagement with the work on 'new regionalism'. Key Words: Comparative regional integrationEU studiesnew regionalism Acknowledgements We would like to thank the two anonymous referees for their comments on our article as well as on the special issue as a whole. The authors are grateful to the European Commission for its financial support of the research used for this article under Jean Monnet project 153918‐LLP‐1‐2009‐BE‐AJM‐IC, comparing the European Union with other regional organisations. Notes 1. One of the present authors has heard academics describe themselves as, for instance, specialist scholars of the European Parliament, admitting they are unversed in literature on even other EU institutions beyond a basic level. As with scholars of national politics, it is entirely reasonable to have particular expertise in a given EU policy area or institution, but there are signs that the younger EU studies cohort may be being pushed into over‐specialisation, as can be witnessed at job interviews and in the early years of their teaching careers. 2. For exceptions see Mattli (Citation1999); Telò (Citation2001). 3. In fact, 'old regionalist' scholarship — especially neofunctionalism — was far less state‐centric than any of its contemporary IR theories. It emphasised the importance of a supranational institution — the High Authority of the European Coal and Steel Community, and its successor the European Commission — as well as interest groups in driving the process of integration forward. It may be a more telling critique of neofunctionalism that it was overly rationalist in its approach to theorising, stressed the EU as a 'model' too much, and that it had an overly formal view of what constitutes a region. 4. These changes are both institutional (for example the rise to power of the European Parliament) and procedural (for example the rise of soft policy and comitology as means of and approaches to decision‐making). 5. In states such as the UK, the context is even more complicated: Scotland, for example, can be treated as a country in its own right, with its own legal system and distinctive culture, but politically and administratively it functions as a region of a 'Union State', the United Kingdom. 6. This could be a challenge to Hettne's regionness scale, but we share his emphasis on non‐hierarchical, dynamic understandings of regions and their outputs. 7. Indeed it is very controversial within new regionalist studies, which often consider 'integration' to be a specifically EU studies phenomenon associated with neofunctionalism, and thus part of what distinguishes their field of enquiry from those of their EU studies colleagues.

Abstract This paper surveys frameworks of labour migration in southern Africa and determines South Africa's policy responses to inflows of migrants from seven neighbouring countries. Legislations, policy reports and scientific publications on migration were thoroughly reviewed and interviews and correspondence with key policymakers were conducted. Statistical analyses of data on foreign worker recruitments and permits issued by South Africa's Department of Home Affairs were also performed. The absence of a migration protocol in southern Africa suggests SADC Members have not implemented the African Union's migration policy basic guidelines. Two systems coexist in southern Africa that complicate migration governance: a South Africa‐managed bilateral migration policy, and aspirations for a formal SADC‐managed migration policy. Bilateral agreements between South Africa and neighbours have established a labour migration system that dims prospects for a regional migration policy. SACU Members could establish a two‐tier policy to achieve free movement while maintaining managed migration policy outside SACU. An official multilateral migration governance mechanism would serve SADC better than the current ad‐hoc measures.

Abstract This article explores what can be gained from increased dialogue between European Union studies and ‘new regionalism’ studies within International Relations, focusing on two crucial analytical dimensions: the link between globalisation and regionalism, and the link between regionalism and the state. First, globalisation is a universal process, and it provides the context for regionalism across the globe, which enhances the potential for cross‐fertilisation between EU studies and ‘new regionalism’ studies. Cross‐regional comparison is, however, constrained by the fact that globalisation's effects are unevenly spread around the globe. Second, comparing the EU with other forms of regionalism highlights the difficulty faced by scholars when moving across the divide separating advanced industrial states from developing countries/emerging economies. Strong state institutions and structures matter in the shaping of both national and regional governance; so does national wealth. Given the difficulties when trying to work across that divide, a focus on comparative regionalism should be viewed with both excitement and caution. The possibility for dialogue and cross‐fertilisation depends therefore strongly on the compatibility of (meta‐)theoretical perspectives and basic assumptions about states as well as regional institutions.

Abstract At first glance, it appears that the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights – the first pan-continental court of the African Union (AU) for human rights protection – epitomises the advances made by international courts in Africa in the past decade. Since its first judgment in 2009, the Court has taken a robust approach to its mandate and its docket is growing apace. However, a closer look at the overall context in which the Court operates reveals that it is susceptible to many of the patterns of resistance that have hampered other international courts in the region, which cut across the development of its authority and impact. This paper analyses the forms and patterns of resistance against the African Court and the actors involved, emphasising the additional difficulties entailed in mapping resistance to a young court compared to long-established courts, such as the European and Inter-American human rights courts.

Since COVID-19 was first discovered, it exploded into a pandemic resulting in devastating effects on human lives and a global recession. While there have been discussions that COVID-19 will accelerate the 'end of globalization and multilateralism', we have already seen the high costs of non-cooperation in responding to the virus resulting in sub-optimal use of resources, rapid spread of the virus between countries, and, ultimately, significant loss of life. In spite of their favorable demographic structures and relatively young populations, countries in the Global South are still harshly affected in both epidemiological and economic terms. Nations must find innovative ways to address health concerns and regional bodies are possible mechanisms for facilitating international cooperation on health. We delineate how regional organizations can support how countries address health threats namely by serving as a bridge between the global and national policy levels; strengthening disease surveillance; mobilizing supply chains and facilitating trade; supporting the production and procurement of medicines and supplies; and coordinating policies and work with other actors. We finalize by arguing that mechanisms for regional cooperation must be strengthened themselves in order to effectively contribute to positive health outcomes within member states.

BACKGROUND: Unaccompanied young refugees constitute an especially vulnerable population, reporting high rates of trauma and mental health problems. There is a significant gap in the literature on trauma and posttraumatic stress symptoms (PTSS) in unaccompanied young refugees who are still on the move and live in precarious circumstances such as refugee camps. This study therefore aimed to contribute to this gap by investigating pre- and peri-migration (potentially) traumatic experiences of unaccompanied young refugees; longitudinal trajectories of trauma, daily stressors and PTSS; and the impact of gender, trauma, and daily stressors on PTSS over time. METHODS: This longitudinal, mixed-method, and multi-country study was conducted in various settings (e.g. refugee camps, reception centers) across nine European countries. A heterogeneous sample of N = 187 unaccompanied young refugees (78.4% male) from 29 different countries was assessed via interviews at 3 time-points during a period of 27 months. Data was analyzed via growth curve modelling. RESULTS: Prevalence rates of (potentially) traumatic experiences ranged from 29.5 to 91.9%. Peri-migration traumatization remained stable over time (b = - 0.02; p = 0.371), but the number of reported daily stressors (b = - 0.24; p = 0.001) and PTSS scores significantly decreased over time (b = - 0.98; p = 0.004). Females reported higher PTSS compared with males at baseline (p = 0.002), but gender did not influence the longitudinal trajectory of PTSS. The pre-migration trauma load and daily stressors at baseline did not have a significant effect on PTSS at baseline or on the longitudinal trajectory. CONCLUSIONS: This is the first study to document not only the high numbers of traumatic events for unaccompanied young refugees pre- and peri- migration, but also the continued traumatization during flight, as well as high rates of daily stressors and PTSS. Humanitarian and political assistance is urgently needed to curb the often life-threatening conditions unaccompanied young refugees face during migration.

The aim of this article is to build an analytical framework for understanding regional peace and security. Building on important insights from other theoretical approaches, it proposes that in order to comprehend the complexities of each regional cluster we have to account for: (a) agents of peace and security, (b) instruments of peace and security, (c) the security pattern, (d) the conflict pattern, (e) the positive peace pattern, and (f) the level of regional integration. Secondly, the article examines how these different components relate to each another. It introduces the concept of the ‘regional peace and security cluster’ (RPSC) and proposes that RPSCs can be classified as ‘regional fragmentations’, ‘regional coalitions’, ‘regional communities’ and ‘regional governmental polities’.